March 18, 2026 · Judiciary · 73,129 words · 20 speakers · 473 segments
Okay, now the committee will come to order. Ms. Shipley, please call the roll.
Representatives. Representatives. Come on. Representatives Bacon.
Excuse. Clifford. Here.
Espinosa. Here.
Flanell. Here.
Garcia. Here.
LT. Here.
Slaw. Here. Soper. Excused.
Zokai. Excused.
Carter. Present.
Mr. Chair. Here. All right, members, we have a full schedule today. We're going to hear five bills. I'll just note right now that we're going to flip the order of the last two bills so the 1255 will go last. and 1148 will go second to last. Starting with Senate Bill 14, Rep. Red, and welcome to the House Judiciary Committee. You may begin.
Thank you for having me here, Mr. Chair, and thank you everybody for hearing this bill today. This comes from the Interim Committee that met for the treatment of persons with behavioral health disorders in the criminal and juvenile justice system. There's no good acronym for that. It's just a really kind of big mouthful. But there was a subcommittee as part of that interim committee, and that subcommittee really focused on the not guilty by reason of insanity process. And so the folks in that subcommittee, and you'll hear from a few of them today, they are made up of folks from the Colorado Department of Human Services, Office of Healthcare Policy and Financing, the state hospital, of course, and their staff, their forensic staff, the Colorado DA's council, the alternative defense counsel, the public defenders, and then the bridges, which of course works in all the judicials and does a lot of linkages services and things like that. So this is the recommendations that kind of came from them. And what they kind of came up with is, hey, let's formalize what actually is happening when folks are found not guilty by reason of insanity. And let's actually be more clear in statute of what is working well. So let's make sure the courts and prosecutors and the Department of Human Services, the forensic teams at the state hospital are all communicating better. Let's be clear on what community placement looks like and what it is. Let's be clear about conditional and unconditional release, which wasn't really named in that way in the statute. Let's maybe make sure that there are different standards and burdens of proof for that. And then let's make sure that law enforcement is properly notified if folks are being placed outside of the state hospital. It's not a new program, but it's really clearly stating what kind of has been happening and frankly what has been working I think really well to stabilize people and get them back in their community. So with that, I'm happy to answer any questions
Thank you rep riding committee members questions for rep riding
Okay, right now, thank you mr. Chair chair rep bryden i asked you a question earlier this week and i know you were explaining it to me before we start a committee can you just elaborate on that rep bryden thank you mr chair
um yes so when and i encourage you all to consult the little drawings i've given you just if you need to follow along but um there is a possibility when someone is found now guilty by reason of insanity through the court that then they could be released on bond Per House Bill 22 there are certain unreleasable crimes that do not allow any consideration of release on bond before they would get to the state hospital And that includes if their crime involved a deadly weapon, serious bodily injury to another person, essentially assault, if someone was killed, or if there was unlawful sexual behavior.
Rep. Flannell. And so I think my question was, if somebody has a firearm on them, but they weren't using it, like they didn't point at somebody, but they had the firearm on them, and let's say they were trespassing, would that be included?
Rep. Brayden.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I don't know the answer to that one, but there'll be some technical experts who maybe could speak to how that would happen and where that would be. I'm guessing that would be part of the initial court proceeding for not guilty by reason of insanity, like when they're actually in those proceedings. But I don't know the answer to that. Thank you.
Rep. Calte. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And thank you, Representative, for bringing this bill. Well, when we were discussing this, you had mentioned about the unreleasable information. So like an individual for this program with these certain criteria were not releasable. Like they're not part of, they can't be part of this program. Can you go over that, just expound on that a little bit about how the safety of that is and how like, you know, violent offenders and stuff like that are not under this bill, that they are not the ones who are going to be considered.
it's less violent. Rep. Radin. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I think I informed you incorrectly when we were talking about who can be on unconditional and conditional release. What I, and that's my fault for misreading the other statute, but those four criteria is just what is unreleasable for bond. And that is a specific question that you just asked that maybe you can ask one of the technical folks who work in this field and they can walk you through what is the evaluation process. my understanding is when they consider any kind of release so that would be either a community placement release an unconditional release or conditional release there are many risk assessments that take place and they look at the crime and then they look at the mental health and stability and their engagement and treatment that way in whether they will be eligible for either of those types of conditions
Rob Kelty. Rob Garcia. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I just I'm curious something I don't know. So somebody who is determined not guilty by reason of insanity. That also, to some extent, takes away their agency, correct?
Rep. Radim. Can you say more about that, Representative Garcia?
Yeah, I guess what I'm curious about is, so like, is it then a next of kin or is it a power of attorney that does the actual, like, is the one that actually says we want this expert to evaluate this person? So because the current process says that the person who is deemed not guilty by reason of insanity can choose their own expert. And so my question then is, but if they're determined not guilty by reason of insanity, can they effectively choose an expert? And how does that work?
Great question. I don't know the specifics on that process, but our experts will.
Other questions?
Mr. Carter? Maybe the experts can clarify regarding them being appointed some type of counsel or also some type of the equivalent of a GAL for an individual in that space If your experts can speak to that and that might help Rep Garcia
Okay, further questions? All right, seeing none, we will head into witness testimony phase. Also, let the record show we've been joined by Rep. Soper and Rep. Sokai. Okay, we have four witnesses. One remote, three in person. David Rosen. Wendy Buxton Andrade. Samantha Garrett, who is here for questions only. And online, we should have Aubrey Shomo. All right, let's start in the room with David Rosen. You will have three minutes.
Stay in the organization you represent. Thank you.
May begin.
Thank you. My name is David Rosen. I'm representing the Public Defender's Office. I've been a public defender for 27 years. in another state in New Jersey for a few years and in Colorado in two different jurisdictions, and I've developed an interest in the area, the intersection of behavioral health and criminal law in my time doing that. I am on the Behavioral Health Task Force. That's a mouthful that was referred to before, and I'm currently the chair of the NGRI subcommittee. These changes don't really make substantive changes to the law. They were largely done at the request of the hospital and the professionals working in the area, evaluators essentially, in order to clarify a couple of things. One thing was to clarify the steps that an acquittee will generally go through prior to the release after being found not guilty by reason of insanity. That's so that acquittees know what to expect when they go into the hospital as well as legal practitioners, judges, and other stakeholders. Also to clarify how the standard of release is to be applied. So there has been one standard of release in the statute that can be a little confusing mostly for the evaluators on how to apply that in the situation of conditional release versus unconditional release. So those are the two big changes, but they're not really big changes. They're more clarifications, and I'm happy to answer any questions.
questions. Thank you. Okay, let the record show we've been joined by AML Bacon. We will now hear from Wendy Buxton-Andrade. You will have three minutes. State any organization you represent. You may begin.
Good afternoon, Chair and members of the committee. My name is Wendy Buxton-Andrade, and I'm here representing Mental Health Colorado in support of House, Senate Bill 26-014. For 73 years, Mental Health Colorado, the nonpartisan, nonprofit organization has been acting as our state's leading advocate for Coloradans' mental health and ending health-based discrimination in our justice system. Mental Health Colorado is in support of these technical corrections and clarifications regarding conditional reverse, unconditional release from commitment because it will help clarify procedures for the courts and protect the rights of individuals who have been adjudicated as not guilty by reason of insanity to receive care and oversight in the least restrictive settings that that will preserve the health and safety of everyone Individuals who are eligible for conditional or unconditional release and who remain committed to the inpatient setting pose an avoidable cost to taxpayers occupy much-needed inpatient capacity and are denied their rights to be healthful and safely supported in their least restrictive settings we ask for a favorable vote for Senate bill 26-014 to authorize community placement for treatment and rehabilitation for individuals who are eligible for conditional release from commitment and to clarify standards for conditional
versus unconditional release. Thank you. Thank you. Okay, online we have Aubrey Shomo. You will
have three-minute state in the organization you represent. You may begin. Hello, my name is Aubrey Shomo, S-H-O-M-O, and I am here speaking on my own behalf. I've previously come with unanimous support of my population, the consumer survivor population in years past, but this is on my own behalf. I am neutral to this bill and neutral to the codification of current procedures with no substantive change. I'm a realist in this matter. However, I am taking an amend position, and what I am asking of this Judiciary Committee is oversight of the Office of Civil and Forensic Mental Health and the Department of Human Services. I was a patient of theirs, and there was a real risk if I didn't do as was demanded of me and enter a coerced guilty plea that was coerced by the forensic psychiatrist who also committed perjury. This perjury was swearing out the results of an evaluation before I arrived at the facility. It's not ambiguous. This isn't mental patient disagrees with their shrink. This is perjury on its face. Additionally, comments of mine were fabricated from whole cloth. For instance, anti-Semitic comments, praise Hitler, kill the Jews. The song I was singing was Nacom. It was inverted. I was a survivor of sexual assault when I was a child. That was inverted. In 2018, I was reporting a rape in progress. That's how I got sent there. And when that happened, again, it was demanded of me that I shut up, that I stop saying things because they, quote, sound delusional, end quote. That is the factual criteria for being subjected to these people's power. And when you take the perjury, the record fabrication, and the fact that they doubled down on it in 2018, tried to make a new police report with their original fabricated record and then got a PRO on that basis. What you will find is that we need oversight of the Office of Civil and Forensic Mental Health. There are dispositions that are based on these records. And I can demonstrate outright perjury and outright fabrication of these records in a way that even sold the court at the PRO. But of course, they made up some dangerousness. That's how the game is played. You have to find some to get what you want. Pretty much the same thing happened in 2018, though there were some extraordinary factors at play, I never got a day in court on those extraordinary factors. I am dying of asbestos poisoning. My exposure originally was in 2012. It was at the entrance to Tunnel 93 at King's Park Psychiatric Center, which has been torn down in his defunct. I had a coerced plea on September 10th, 2001 that was overturned. And what I was reporting in 2018 was factually occurring. What I got instead of any minimal medical prudence, the state of Colorado is basically the proximate cause of my death from the asbestos because I can't speak up about it. I got perjury and I got records fabrication that will lead to NGRI dispositions and it will lead to to coerced pleas where there were ICPs. And we need to review this, find out how frequently this has occurred, and remedy those cases where people are still in danger from OFCMH. Thank you.
Thank you. Okay, we also have Samantha Garrett here for questions only. Ms. Garrett, if you just want to introduce yourself and any organization you represent, and then we'll turn to questions.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. My name is Samantha Garrett. I am the Director of Legislation, Policy, and Budget for the Office of Civil and Forensic Mental Health within the Colorado Department of Human Services.
Okay. Committee members, questions for our witnesses? Okay. Seeing none. You know, first, thank you for your time. Thank you for your testimony. is there anyone else in the room or online who wishes to testify on Senate Bill 14? Okay, seeing none of the witness testimony phase is closed.
Rep. Ryden.
Do you have any amendments, Rep. Raiden?
No amendments.
Committee, do we have amendments on Senate Bill 14? Seeing none, the amendments phase is closed. Rep. Ryan, wrap up.
Well, I wanted to answer some of the questions that were asked earlier. To Representative Flannell, your question about if at the time of the crime they have a gun on them, it would be up to the judge to kind of decide how they're weighing that, but the gun would have to be of use in the deadly weapon in order for them to be ineligible for any kind of bond or anything like that. But that ultimately would be the judge decision in that case. Hopefully that answers your question. And then Representative Garcia, they get these, the evaluations are automatically every year. They can request them. I think your question was, but if they are not, if they're essentially legally insane, then how would they know to ask for a second opinion, I think was what you were getting at, right? Okay, and I think the answer is they get somebody appointed to them. like a public defender who then can help step in and coordinate that. And actually one of the things the bill is looking to address is making sure that when those second opinions are obtained, that it doesn't, right now it goes, it's shared with the court, but that it should still be shared with their clinical team at the state hospital. I guess I'll wrap up by just saying this is already working well. And remember, this is just for the not guilty by reason of insanity. I recognize that we are dealing with a whole other issue when it comes to competency in this state. That is another bill that I'm sure this committee is going to be well-versed in the next month or six weeks or so. And this is just a very narrow, specific thing, not guilty by reason of insanity, its own plea that is separate. But I will say this does work well. The wrap-around services, the support they get, this has been tested this has been going on for 15 20 years And now it makes sense to kind of put what been working well and just make it clear for everybody so we have transparency and I ask for a yes vote
Okay, Rep Carter a proper motion is to the committee of the whole.
I move Senate bill 2614 to the committee of the whole with a favorable recommendation.
All right, that's a proper motion, seconded by AML Bacon. Committee members, any closing comments? Rep Soper?
Thank you, Mr. Chair. It would be insane not to say a few words here. Yeah, you know. Yay!
Is that all you got?
Yeah, no, no, I have a few other words here. I will say for this bill, you know, our side has definitely been struggling here. And that's kind of the sidebar conversation we're having is, you know, the difficult piece of we like the structure, but there's still very much the fear of how it will play out and what pressures it might place on current community programs that are already in place. and I will say that for those reasons and knowing that we need probably a little bit more time to kind of take in all that's within the bill, we're going to be a respectful no vote but I do really appreciate how things were explained. I am just needing a little bit more time to see what the other side is but certainly would like to be able to change my vote and be a yes on second reading.
Further closing comments? Okay. Seeing none, Ms. Shipley, please call the roll.
Representatives Bacon. Yes. Clifford. Yes. Espinosa. Yes. Planell.
Respectfully, no. Garcia. Yes.
No for now. No for today. No for today. Okay, yes Carter respectfully yes for today sir chair. Yes
All right on about a 74 that bill passes you on the way to the committee of the whole Okay, rep ride in we'll stay in the hot seat rep sober. We'll join her. We're gonna hear house bill 1234 All right, bill sponsors. Whenever you're ready, you may begin. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
We come presenting House Bill 1234 with you today. And I'm going to kind of describe what the problem is sort of that we're seeing. It has been difficult for victims who are named in abuse and neglect reports to get access to their records. That is really what this bill is looking at. And different counties, they interpret the process that's currently in statute very differently. And it's probably because the statute itself is not very clear. what we aiming to do is really make it simpler when you think of somebody who maybe is 20 years old maybe they been convicted of a crime themselves right now and they are in jail or maybe they out of state and they are working with their attorney, and they would like to be able to show the court their history of trauma. And when they make that request, it goes to the county or the court or whatnot. Those records get redacted, however they might be appropriately so. But getting them to the attorney who's representing that individual is really hard. So really what we're looking to do is make that a little bit easier so that we can kind of treat these records like kind of medical records or essentially other public records that someone might request.
Rob Sober. I see why everyone has problems. Thank you, Mr. Chair and members of the committee. Representative Wrighton did a great job of outlining the problem. Really walking through the solution is to make sure that it's abundantly clear that an attorney or another authorized person is able to access these abuse records where the person who was abused has allowed that to be accessed. throughout the bill and we're going to bring some amendments and really clarify a few things that some members of the committee had previously highlighted with us to just make sure that when it comes to the safe harbor provision for example that you see on page 3 that we're very clear A. this already exists in law so I know it's a bit of a restatement but that it's still clean And same in terms of whoever the authorized attorney is, that it's not talking about power of attorney, which is the current statute, and has really confused everyone and why a lot of these records have not been released. then as we go through and talk about some of the other records within the bill as you can see we've been very specific on I'll turn to page 5 for example we are going to move away from sort of the catch all unclassified to really being very specific that it's a petty offense because this committee has been very specific over the last, actually probably the entire time I've served in the legislature, that complete unclassified offenses are not what we want to see in statute. And I agree. And so that's why we're going to be much more clear here. And that's really the bill, aside from some cleanup and having conforming language that reflects what we have in the other parts of the bill. It's straightforward, but if you think about the situation where someone is incarcerated, they could be in detention awaiting trial, they really need their defense attorney to be able to, for example, be able to access records from the local county that would show a pattern of abuse because that could go to their defense. it could go to a reason for why they acted out a certain way. I mean, there could be a number of reasons why. But if the defense attorney is not able to access and gain access to those records, it could really frustrate an element of the case. And that's just one example. But that one where it very clear as to why there needs to be a change And with that would entertain any questions Committee members questions for the bill sponsors
Rep Kelty. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Just for my clarification, can these records, which I'm understanding this is that person's records, it's their data from their childhood, would they also, I know this allows maybe an attorney to get a hold of it or be able to use the records to help them in what defense they have. But the records then could also be used to determine a – either not just restoration but a judgment, a more precise defined judgment that's either helpful for their repair or to make them whole again and to be able to come up with a good determination of the sentence, like a sentence that would help them. Does that make sense? Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thank you, Representative Kelty. That's a really good question and one that I have an idea of how I would answer, but I want to make sure we're correct, and I would pass that off to one of our expert witnesses who's going to be testifying here soon. Other questions?
Okay, seeing none, we'll go to the witness testimony phase. Okay, Stacy Nelson-Calling, Katie Hecker, James Carbach, and Stormy Husted. All right. Let's start with Mr. Karbach, state and the organization you represent.
You will have three minutes. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I'm James Karbach with the Office of the State Public Defender. This bill is the result of a number of agencies coming together to try and change how records were handled. And, Rep. Kelty, sometimes what we need to do when our clients have been abused and then they're charged with crimes unrelated, like a juvenile's maybe being charged as an adult for a crime, we need to gather their history. And what was happening is in some counties, we would get a release, and we're talking about the person alleged to be abused. This is the situation we're gathering and we're trying to address in this bill. We would tender a release and like in denver they told us the way the statute was written They can't give us the records. They have to give them straight to our client There were times we were trying to get records for clients in prison And they would mail them to canyon city and we'd have to drive to canyon city from denver to pick them up It is also not a great idea to mail these records into the prison because a prisoner needs their lawyer to have them So this started with denver human services suggesting to us change the law to let us use release forms that's one thing we're trying to do is just like medical records education records take away a reference to powers of attorney that doesn't make sense and use the release form we also learned that there was a provision of law it is and i don't say this lightly it was the most confusing provision i've ever read in our statutes that said when you turn 18 in order to get your records about the investigation into your own abuse you can only have them after you're 18 if your child siblings are being abused. And it was like, what? And that's literally what it said. It doesn't make sense. Somebody thought maybe we needed that for federal funding. We all did a deep dive. We don't. We just take that out of the law. I mean, sometimes the easiest thing we can do is just take away stuff that doesn't make sense that we don't need. Because people over 18, they might want to get a therapist. They might need to get services. They should have access to their records. And frankly, because it's their privacy that we're trying to protect, they really should be able to get their records with releases. That's what drove this bill. There are a few other things in the bill that I'm happy to take questions on related to an unconstitutional crime that's been on the books that we discovered in the process. We fixed the crimes so the crimes around this are actually enforceable. There were cross-references to education crimes that it turns out for nine years have had no penalties. because of other bills and no one realized it. So we make them coherent again. That was never a driving purpose. That was found by the drafter at the last minute. But we fix all that stuff. We've done stakeholding with the Colorado District Attorneys Council. We're still working on what may be one amendment on second reading to talk about how suspects get records in the criminal process. But that's not what we're trying to touch. We have no intent to change that. we want to make victims of abuse be able to get their records through releases them to go straight to attorneys like medical records and education records and we want to clean up some other problems in this statute i don't believe there's any opposition we've done a lot of work with the counties with state dhs and with the district attorneys to make sure this is non-controversial and so happy to answer questions but we hope you all can support this bill thank you okay now we'll
hear from Katie Hecker. You will have three minutes to state in the organization you represent. You may begin. Thank you, Mr. Chair, members of the committee. My name is Katie Hecker. I am the Youth Justice Attorney at the Office of the Child's Representative. I'm here in support of this bill on behalf of the OCR. Our mission is to give children and youth a voice in legal proceedings across the state of Colorado through high quality representation that protects and promotes their safety interests and rights. Our work at OCR and more importantly the work of our contract attorneys often revolves around empowering young people and children to understand their story and to effectively tell their story and this bill fits squarely within that work. It removes barriers for individuals to access records that the government holds about them, about their families, about their history and it empowers those folks who are the subject of those records to work with Council to understand how they can use the records to effectuate their rights and interests. And importantly, it maintains protections to prevent any identifying information from being released publicly. You are going to hear from an amazing young person sitting to my right about the ordeal that she had to go through to get her own records. This bill doesn't solve every barrier, doesn't remove every barrier that she faced. But really, it's her story and stories like hers that motivate OCR's work and removing any barriers to someone like this young woman to be able to understand their life. So again, we are happy to work with the partners that we did on the language here and we ask you to vote yes on the bill.
Thank you. Thank you. Okay, our next witness, Stormy Husted, you will have three minutes to stay in the organization
you represent. You may begin. Good afternoon. Mr. Chair and committee, thank you for allowing me to speak today. My name is Sermy Houston. I spent six to seven years in the child welfare system. It was not as smooth writing as most people may seem. I had requested my records about three years ago, and I was told that I would need to go through my counsel for youth. So I proceeded to do that. As soon as my attorney had requested my records she was told that it was approximately to receive my records And from there, I proceeded to write a letter to the county commissioner's office to fight against that. And I had won. I received my records. but also it took a year and a half to receive them after I had got the clear to have them. So the whole process of getting them was about two years of fighting and trying to receive something that was my history, my childhood, something that it was written on paper, but it was my history. And so I think that having, you know, it became a financial burden to learn about my own story. And a big part of having the records and receiving them was to learn why certain decisions were made in my case that shouldn't have been made, in my opinion. And so it was really good to read why certain things happened the way they did and why certain people made the certain decisions that they did. And this bill is so important for young people to realize, you know, some things might have not been told to them. your history when you're in the system your history goes beyond you at that point you have a judge you have um attorney and you know gal and it's all these different people that come into your life that have a say on what you do and when you do it and so i believe this bill is super important to recognize that kids should have these. Thank you for your time.
Thank you. Thank you for sharing your story. We'll next hear from Stacy Nelson-Calling. You will have three minutes. State in the organization you represent. You may begin.
Thank you. My name is Stacy Nelson-Calling. I am the Youth Defense Coordinator at the Office of the Alternate Defense Council. I'm here representing the Office of the Alternate Defense Council as well as the Colorado Criminal Defense Bar. where both agencies, organizations support this bill. Mr. Karbach touched on most of the things that we share, all of those similar concerns. Specifically, I would just say in the youth defense context, when a child is direct filed or a motion to transfer to adult court is filed, one of the factors that the court must consider is the social history of that child, including circumstances around dependency and neglect. involvement in their life. And so these are critical records that they need to defend themselves and that our lawyers need to get in order to be effective defense counsel. And so we've just been hearing for years about this issue and different attorneys having to go through different processes that are inconsistent throughout the state. Sometimes the records would be released only to a child's parents, which is problematic if the parents then don't want to release them to the child or the defense team if they're under 18, which can happen if there a conflict of interest And so we think this is a good fix We are just primarily concerned with the ability of defense counsel to obtain these records on behalf of their clients And beyond that I'm just here for questions. Thank you.
Thank you. Okay, committee members, questions for this panel of witnesses? Rep. Kelty.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Mr. Kavak, I want the question that I was trying to get earlier, I just want to make sure that it's the data or the information, that person's information. So can they also have the ability to allow the judge to release it to the judge or the judge be able to use it to give them a better, more effective sentencing to their well-being, you know, to be able to help them instead of to tailor the sentencing to their past traumas with that in consideration?
Mr. Kovach. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you for the question, Rob Kelty. Interestingly, the way the criminal protections are worded right now, there's an argument that handing your records, if you get them lawfully to use them or talking about them, is illegal. Now, no one's been charged with that. And what got a crime found unconstitutional was actually somebody who was the subject of an investigation just talking about that. And they were threatened with prosecution and a federal court said that was a violation of their First Amendment rights. But the way these crimes have been written, it literally said releasing or talking about the records, even if you got the records lawfully and even if you were the person that was abused and are supposed to be protected, could theoretically be read to be a crime. This bill fixes it, and one of the things it says is that you can get the records with a release, but the other thing it says is you can make use of them in courts. Now, I don't want to imply that nobody ever got their hands on these records and made use of them before today, but there was a lot of problems with the law around it, and some people couldn't. I also don't want to pretend it fixes all the timelines and cost, because a lot of those records have to be reviewed and redacted at times, and there is real cost for the counties. and frankly we didn't want to have the fight over an unfunded mandate to fix this step one so there's probably more work in this area that could be done but in short answer to your question yes this bill makes clear that if you use a release to get the records that you and your attorney can make use of them to get treatment services and in courts which would include if you were charged with a crime related to your history or even unrelated but you just wanted to say i've been through all these things and i want you to know that's partially how i got tangled up with the law, this bill makes it much more clear that you can do that. And people should be able to do that, in our opinion.
Further questions?
Rep Garcia. Thank you, Mr. Chair. So this might take us off. This doesn't take us off topic. Forgive me. I'm trying to be on topic with this line of questioning here. I'm as reading this and seeing who this is for the title for of child abuse or neglect. My understanding of when we look at the definition of what child abuse and neglect is, it's limited to parent guardian or a person of trust. So my question then is, let's say you are a child and you are abused, assaulted, kidnapped by a stranger or maybe like a store clerk. would they then be able to access their records or is this limited to those who experience that violation under the definition of abuse?
Mr. Karbach.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Rep. Garcia. So this bill is about access by the person who was alleged to be abused It also cleans up some language around their parents Now widely speaking the child abuse and neglect terms would cover other people abusing the child but DHS investigations, like if it's a stranger who's now removed from the child, that doesn't necessarily mean there'd be an abuse and neglect investigation by DHS because they're returned to their parent. But I just want to be clear, it's not only parents. I mean, lots of times family members or neighbors or other people that may still be around the child trigger these. This bill, though, is specifically targeted to making more clear that parents, when parents are allowed to seek it for their minor child or the abused and neglected person themselves, can get the records and their attorneys and those helping them can get the records through release forms. There is a separate process, like if you're criminally charged for the suspect to get access that goes through the courts. We are purposely not just, I may not be answering your question. No, let me just clarify. So, thank you. So, yes, I understand my introduction to this question was our definition of abuse is parent, guardian, or a person of trust, right? It can be, And it can be a neighbor, it could be a teacher.
So then I understand how this bill works or who gets access to the records. My question is then, because of this definition or the narrow scope of this, that it's for people who have been abused or neglected as a child, those who have been, have had some sort of crime against them, whether it is sexual, child sexual abuse, kidnapping, or something that isn't done by anyone under the definition of abuse, would they then be able to access their records, or is that something totally different?
Mr. Karbuck.
If there's a DHS investigation, they would access their records. Sometimes there's only a police investigation. Police records are dealt with differently. Generally speaking, if it's like police reports or records outside DHS, they can get access to their own records. Although if there's a criminal charge, victims don't always get the full records during that prosecution. A lot of that is controlled by the Criminal Justice Records Act, which is just completely separate and apart from DHS. So, yes, with some qualifications, but nothing in this bill or this law that's inhibiting people when there's DHS investigations. Like, we don't see the same craziness in the language that we're trying to fix here. But this is really specific. This bill and this area is specific to DHS investigations.
Rob Garcia. So then just to clarify, somebody who is not abused or neglected by a parent, a guardian, or an adult in a position of trust would not then have their case investigated by DHS.
Mr. Kovach.
I believe that is true. Rep. Garcia, I want to be careful. I was just turning to the representative from OCR. But, yes, there are jurisdictional limits on DHS involvement. And so typically, from my knowledge, and I just want to make sure because I'm not 100% certain, but typically one of the things when they get a mandatory report, for instance, that they look at is, is that person still around the child? Do we need to investigate? Or are they separated from the harm and are there protective people? So it is my belief that yes, that is true. But very, all I can say is the legal effect of this bill is if DHS did investigate, we're fixing their access to anybody that's alleged to been abused where DHS investigates. We fix that across the board. If DHS obviously doesn't investigate, then it's outside our bill.
Amal Bacon. I think what I wanted to add, I can understand the line of questioning, and I'm sorry, I'm looking back in the bill and I'm not sure if there is a reference. I guess I think what we're just trying to figure out, or at least what I'm trying to figure out as I listen, is if in the bill we say records around abuse or records around anything DHS investigates, just to be sure that abuse and the latter mean the same thing. And so what I'm hearing is in the event that a child is harmed by someone who is not covered under the statutory definitions of abuse, it's like, one, where do those records live and can someone access that record? And my question is, it sounds like if a child is harmed by someone who is not under the abuse category, like a grocery store clerk, that might be a criminal record and not necessarily a DHS record because DHS did not investigate that harm. And in the event that DHS did investigate, I think we're just looking for synonyms because I'm like, should we just say DHS investigation records or just abuse in case they are not the same thing?
Ms. Hecker.
And they really are the same thing. DHS can investigate even if an act of abuse or neglect was committed against a young person that was not their parent. But the subject of their investigation is whether or not that was for any reason due to the parent, whether there was an injurious environment. So there may be circumstances where someone else is inflicting harm on a child and DHS investigates to see whether the parents are appropriately protecting that child, and then they may close their case. But there would still be a DHS record in that situation.
Hey, Mel Bagan.
Mr. Carbuck, did you have more to add?
I just want to add, this statute and where we're seeing the problems is about child abuse, basically. I don't know the parameters. We don't see the same problems, but there are other wings of DHS for like adult abuse and neglect. So I have no idea how adult neglect gets investigated and how those records are housed. I know nationally, though, there are requirements about having protections for child abuse records. And it is this statute that is uniquely has bad wording and that we run into problems with. So I just want to say there's probably other records in DHS besides child abuse records, but the problems we have are with child abuse records, and that's what this statute's in the Children's Code. This is the statute that's poorly worded. This is the statute that DHS counties have told us themselves. You guys, we all want this fixed. Like, we're giving you a hard time because the statute is broken, so you guys should go have the legislature fix it.
Amal Bacon, you good? Thank you. I guess I'm not, I don't want this line of questioning to seem like we are challenging the merits of the work that's being done. This is very important to do. My line of questioning is literally, I guess, what happens to the kids that experience a crime of something as a child and it's not investigated by DHS? That's the line of questioning I have. Will they like they not here they here they won be able to access their records the way that these people do Would they have some other avenue Because that also trauma That also trauma that leads into adulthood behavior So I guess my question is not about like discounting this important work It's just outside of this important work, how then, if they are not considered abuse, or just what the woman next to you, James, was saying, is like if that DHS has the authority to investigate any other adult that's not a parent, is that actually true or does it still have to fit within the adult in a position of trust?
Ms. Hecker.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I apologize if I wasn't clear. What DHS is ultimately determining is whether or attempting to determine is whether they believe that a parent, guardian, or legal custodian has subjected the child to, I'm reading the definition from the statute, has subjected the child to mistreatment or abuse, or that same person, parent, guardian, or legal custodian, has allowed another to mistreat or abuse the child. So the question always, regardless of who is abusing or mistreating the child, who's committing the acts, ultimately the DHS investigation surrounds whether the parent bears some responsibility for that child having suffered that abuse. So I hope that helps. But the central question is whether the parent or legal guardian or custodian contributed in some way. And it could be by omission, right? So there's multiple ways that that can happen. Mr. Carbine. I thank Rep. Garcia for fear of not answering your question, but to be clear. This, if it's a child and there's a DHS investigation, this will give them access to those records. If there's not a DHS investigation and there's other agencies like the police, it's really going to turn on what agency and who the custodian of record is, but it's a whole other body of law. It'll often be the Criminal Justice Record Act. So to the extent you're asking broadly about victims generally getting access to whatever state actors might become involved, the answer is there usually is some mechanism for them to get records. But if there's a criminal case going on, they might not get them right away. And it really depends on what agency and what law applies. But it wouldn't be the 19-1307. This would cover all the DHS records of child abuse, and it obviously wouldn't cover anything related to agencies not attached to DHS.
AML Bacon.
Okay, further questions? okay seeing none thank you for your time and for your testimony is there anyone else in the room or online wishes to testify on house bill 1234 that has not yet had the chance to do so okay seeing none the witness testimony phase is closed bill sponsors okay Rep. Soper. Oh, please come forward. I'm so sorry. We're going to hear from this witness. You're welcome to just sit at the end of the table. If the bill sponsors want to remain up there, that's fine as well. Okay State your name and the organization you represent You will have three minutes Thank you Mr Chair Make sure the mic is turned on. There you go.
Thank you for that. Thank you, Mr. Chair, members of the committee. My name is Kelly Noggle, and I'm testifying on behalf of the Colorado Office of Respondent Parents Council. We represent parents and families in dependency and neglect cases, and we are here in an amend position to House Bill 26-1234. I joined the Office of Respondent Parent Counsel as the Carrie Ann Lucas Civil Rights Director in May of last year. Prior to that, I was a public defender in Denver for 12 years, primarily representing youth who were either direct filed or charged in adult court, and I saw firsthand the difficulties in obtaining these records for my child clients sometimes that were as young as 12. Understanding one's past history is often paramount to an individual's healing and journey forward. House Bill 1234 allows survivors of abuse, neglect, and the child welfare system to obtain their records. Involvement in the criminal justice and child welfare systems is often cyclical and what I saw was often generational. Trauma, poverty, and marginalization are clear predictors of a person's likelihood of being swept up in either the criminal justice system, the child welfare system, or oftentimes both. It's often referred to as, quote, breaking the cycle, when an individual can change entrenched patterns of abuse, poverty, and addiction. These individuals, we praise and we laud them, but when they seek to learn from their past to heal, they encounter many barriers to get their own records. I saw firsthand the difficulties that this causes for therapy and treatment specifically. House Bill 26-1234 is a step in removing some of those barriers. ORPC contracts with parent advocates. These are lived experience experts who have previously reunified through the child welfare system with their children. Many of our parent advocates were also children themselves in foster care, and we have seen firsthand the difficulties that they have when they try to obtain their own child welfare records from their own past history. Oftentimes, they're told it's going to be costing them thousands of dollars, and these are parents and families that are indigent and often low income. This bill will not change the access that parents have to their records. It merely ensures that people have consistent access to their childhood records across the state. We ask for your support, and I'm also happy to answer any questions about how I've seen this at ORPC or as a legal practitioner. Thank you.
Thank you. And could you repeat your name, please?
Kelly, K-E-L-L-I, Noggle, N-A-G-E-L.
Okay, questions.
Rep. Espinosa. Thank you, Ms. Chair. Ms. Noggle, could you explain your amend position? I didn't hear that in your testimony. I was going to ask the same question.
Yes, I'm sorry. That was a mistake on my part. We are testifying in support.
Thank you for clarifying. Got it. Okay. I was like, what amendment do you want? Okay, any questions? Okay. Thank you. Yeah, thank you for joining us. Okay, and with that, the witness testimony phase will be closed. Okay, bill sponsors. Rep Soper,
would you like to move your amendment? Yes, Mr. Chair, I move amendment L001 House Bill 1234. Second. Okay, that's a proper motion
seconded by Rep Espinoza. Rep Soper, please explain L1 or Rep Riden, whoever would like to explain it.
I can explain it, Mr. Chair. Thank you Mr Chair and members of the committee Amendment 1 addresses some of the concerns of stakeholders I'll just walk through it. First, part of the amendment talks about what is not shared with the public. That would be personal identifying information. Then in Roman numeral 2, it describes what this information is, for example, the name, the address, any other identifying information. The end of Roman numeral 2 is the safe harbor provision for local governments in the event that a disclosure happens to be made. The Roman numeral 3 talks about who can access the records, the assigned designee of the person named in the report or a record who is acting on the person's behalf. Then lines 29 through 37 of the amendment. This is where we have cleaned up some of the criminal provisions to make sure that it's specific as a petty offense, not an open-ended offense.
Okay, committee members, questions on L1? Any objection to L1? Seeing none, L1 is adopted. Bill sponsors, do you have further amendments? Committee members, do we have amendments? Okay, seeing none, the amendments phase is closed.
Bill sponsors, rep writing. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I think we can all agree that it's your record and you should have access to it. And, again, this bill is really attempting to make that as easy as possible. And then I just want to say I really appreciate the collaborativeness of the DAs and the public defenders and the county attorneys. and certainly OCR and OPRC and a couple of you who helped inform and make this a little bit better so that it was clear and we're not adding more confusion. So just thank you for this, and I encourage a yes vote.
Thank you, Mr. Sharon. Thank you, Representative Bryden.
It's great to be on this bill with you. Someone said to me this was an administrative cleanup bill, and I will say through the stakeholder work that has been done, and certainly I want to thank Mr. Karbach for leading a lot of those efforts, Many, many hours went into this. And to be able to solve several problems in one bill, all relating to the same issue, I mean, a person should, after they turn 18, be able to have a clear path to obtaining their child abuse records. End of story. Also, your attorney should be able to receive these records, just like they're able to access the client's medical records or school records and have those come directly. And then fixing another problem where apparently we deleted the penalties for certain educational offenses and then actually reconnecting the offense to the name punishment. I mean, those are some things where drafting errors do happen, but being able to fix all of these in one bill is pretty cool. but what's most important to me was the first two elements that I laid out and I'd ask for a yes vote okay reps upper proper motion is to the committee of the whole thank you mr. chair I move House bill 1 2 3 4 as amended to the community of the whole with a favorable recommendation second that's proper
motion seconded by rep espinoza committee members we have closing comments Okay, seeing none.
Ms. Shipley, please call her up.
Representative.
Senadibs Bacon. Yes.
Clifford. Yes.
Espinosa. Yes.
Flannell. Yes.
Garcia. Yes.
Elty. Yes.
Law. Soper. Yes. Zocay.
Yes. Carter.
I'm excused. Mr. Chair.
Yes. Okay, on about a 10-0, that bill passes. You're on the way to the Committee of the Whole. Okay, we are changing up our schedule a little bit. We are now going to hear House Bill 1148, then we'll do 1256, and then we'll do 1255. So Reps Wilford and Zoka. Thank you. Okay. House Bill 1148, whoever would like to begin. It's okay. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, committee members.
I am very proud and excited to bring forward House Bill 1148. In this committee, we have heard a lot about the dangers of social media. And this committee has passed a number of regulations on social media and on protecting kids' privacy, often through bipartisan efforts. However, as a parent, what I am seeing is that what we may all consider to be social media is not the same as what kids under the age of 12 think of as social media. Their social media is mostly in the online gaming space. When we're looking at minors defined as everybody under the age of 18, online gaming is nearly universal. 97% of teen boys and 73% of girls participate in online gaming. But focusing in more on younger kids, this has become increasingly pervasive in a way that is not just gaming. It is how younger kids communicate with each other and their gaming looks like social media. It has profiles that they share with each other. It has ongoing chat features. It is how they communicate and share their lives. It's also where they're spending all of their money, but we will get to that point later. So I just want to give some stats so you know how much this is being used. Over 80% of kids age 5 to 12 are online gaming every week. And I am going to give a statistic about a particular platform, and we are going to talk about a particular platform in this conversation. I want to be clear that this bill does address all online gaming that is targeted at minors, and that includes a number of platforms. But I am going to cite Roblox because it is used by two-thirds of kids ages 9 to 12 in the United States. And it has brought a lot of attention about how minors can be exploited on these platforms With Roblox in particular 20 of users are under the age of nine 20 are ages nine to 12 and 16 are ages 12 to 16 And the issue is that predators also know this information. One in five kids receive unwanted sexual solicitations online. Approximately 35 to 37 percent of kids approached by strangers online were first contacted via gaming platforms. And reports have documented kids being groomed through in-game chat features where they've also been exposed to sexual content and targeted by adults posing as peers. There are countless examples of this happening. I'm going to give details from a couple of cases. There's a lawsuit in Washington. It is against Roblox for violating the duty of care that Washington has for online gaming. And it alleges that Roblox violated that duty by prioritizing profit over kids' safety and creating an environment conducive to child exploitation. In this case, Jane Doe encountered a predator who was posing as someone her age. That predator groomed her, sent her sexually explicit messages and photos, and coerced her into reciprocating with explicit images of herself. When she resisted, that predator threatened her until she complied. That exploitation led this minor to multiple suicide attempts. Their legal representative said the case against Roblox is a terrifying reminder of the world we live in, where capitalist greed far outweighs humanity. The complaint emphasized the lack of adequate safety measures and argues that Roblox's misrepresentations about safety gives parents a false sense of security, while the platform's design makes kids easy targets for predators. Discovery in this case revealed disturbing Roblox experiences or user-created games with titles referencing controversial figures and themes such as Diddy Party and Escape to Epstein Island. In California, another lawsuit, which, yes, was also against Roblox, said that the gaming platform has repeatedly exposed kids to sexually explicit material, grooming, and exploitation. In a statement, the attorney of that case stated that this lawsuit is about a company that gives pedophiles powerful tools to prey on innocent and unsuspecting children. The suit alleged that it's easy for predators to masquerade as kids on the site, and it contains many allegations about the type of behavior that has occurred on roadblocks, including the simulated rape of a seven-year-old avatar in a digital playground environment and virtual strip clubs where avatars can disrobe and give lap dances. The complaint also mentioned a report from Financial Forensic Research Company published in October 2024. That company said that it found multiple groups on the site trading child sexual abuse material and soliciting sexual favors. The report also alleged that Roblox was cutting safety spending as these problems mounted. These stories are not unique. If you search for this right now, you will find hundreds of articles and cases of kids that have faced abuse on this site. And I can name other suits in states that have held this behavior accountable. Law enforcement has placed warnings that say that gaming platforms are increasingly used by predators because they are less regulated and more immersive than traditional social media. After this bill was introduced this impacted my family as well And I just want to say that without giving details because as a parent who is so concerned about this I introduced a bill and is so aware of what is happening on these platforms that I introduced a bill. I was not able to escape it from my own family. Okay. in colorado we lack a duty of care for the online gaming space and this bill brings us in line with other states and requires online gaming companies to take the problem seriously i am going to add that i have because i am mentioning them so much communicated with roblox in the stakeholding of this bill. I want to thank them for engaging in conversation around this problem. They have expressed that they take safety seriously. I do believe that the people I was speaking with do take safety seriously. And if the company targets this issue as they say they are, then I think they will meet the duty of care required in this bill, and that shouldn't be an issue. The bill addresses something more subtle as well, but it is also harmful, which is compulsive use. These platforms are engineered to keep children engaged for as long as possible through infinite play loops, rewards, social pressure, and algorithmic recommendations. Research shows that excessive gaming is associated with sleep disruption, decreased academic performance, and increased anxiety and depression in young people. The very design features that make these platforms profitable, constant notifications, in-game purchases, are the same features that undermine a child's ability to disengage. This bill recognizes that harm by prohibiting design practices that lead to compulsive use, where a child's autonomy and daily functioning are impaired. In Canada, there is a civil claim against roblox alleging that it is addictive, manipulative, and financially exploitative by design. It noted concerning practices around algorithms that are built with the purpose of extending playtime and incentivizing kids through gambling-like mechanics. and as a parent who has just seen this, I will say when I see these platforms, it looks like a casino. There is a lot of pop-ups. It is flashy. It tells kids to stay on. It asks them to spin for a chance to win, to keep that dopamine loop going, push this button five times, see if you can win something, and it is constantly trying to keep them engaged so that they cannot take a break. I will note an email to the CEO of Activision that said, the key here is real world rewards, which means virtual items and games. The Activision CEO responded, I'm all for indoctrinating kids into an economy. I love your example of real world rewards being virtual items and games. This is discussing making kids addicted to platforms with in-game purchases. And also, that email was from Jeffrey Epstein. Online gaming reward systems and immersive gameplay lead to compulsive use and it can resemble behavioral addiction. So these components that I've discussed are addressed in the duty of care requirements in this bill. It requires that online gaming companies targeted at kids create a safe environment for kids and don't design their platform to result in compulsive use. That is the crux of this bill. But you will also see that we have privacy requirements. There are privacy requirements for the more traditional social media companies that we have passed and very recently expanded upon in this committee through bipartisan efforts And because those data privacy protections for minors are lacking in the online gaming space, you will see that section, which includes default privacy settings for minors and restrictions on messaging between minors and unknown adults. There is also a section around data retention on the information collected on minors. And I will also note there there is a section on age assurance data. The response from online gaming companies that have been accused of providing unsafe environments has been that they will solve it by scanning kids' faces and having age assurance measures. So you will see a section on how that data is retained. As a note on how that has been going, there have been many reports that the AI age assurance tools are not working accurately and then do not allow parents or users to change that. So there are eight-year-old kids who are being told that they are 15, and then they are in spaces designed for 15-year-old kids and then are not able to be with their same age group. More disturbing than that, the age assurance accounts are being shopped by predators. After the rollout of age assurance data, there was a black market on eBay where sellers were auctioning off Roblox accounts that were age verified, providing predators the ability to shop the age they wanted to target. If they wanted to target eight-year-olds, they were able to buy an account that was verified as an eight-year-old, so they were just in a space with other eight-year-olds. And that was a workaround that they were able to have around the system. My co-prime will go over the next two sections of the bill, which are microtransactions and algorithms. I want to thank you for your attention through this long opening. And just note that if any of us could see what is happening to miners on these platforms in front of us, we would be screaming from the rooftops for regulations. But because it is online and hidden and in spaces where a lot of us are not, we have allowed this to continue happening. So I truly hope that all of you will join me in voting yes for this bill today. Thank you very much, Chair Mabry and members of the committee.
I want to thank Representative Zokai for her work on this bill.
What she shared is absolutely horrific. It's scary, and frankly, it makes me sick to my stomach. I want to talk about this bill as a parent and share my experience with a 10-year-old and the culture of gaming that our young kids engage in. But first I want to share with you that when I was 10 years old, my social life was a phone cord that was stretched across the house. I was the party line queen, which meant that I was the person who was patching in friends into conversations that felt big and important, and they were very, very private. Today, my son's world looks completely different. He games online with his cousin in Virginia. He games with his friends from school. He watches YouTube videos of other people gaming, and then he jumps online himself. and just recently at a birthday party for one of his friends, six kids sat in the same living room, each on their own device, connected digitally but not always to each other, and they were all gaming at the same time. Now here's the difference between the world that my son grew up in and the world in which I grew up in. My conversations on the phone were private, but the conversations that my son is having in the gaming world, they're not private. His interaction are happening on platforms that are designed, monitored, and optimized by companies that we do not regulate and that we often cannot see. This bill is bringing basic guardrails to reality. So let's first talk about add-on transactions. In these gaming environments, kids are not just playing games. They are spending money. These platforms are designed to encourage what we call microtransactions. These are small, repeated purchases that enhance gameplay or give a competitive advantage to a player. And they're also what the bill defines as add-on transactions. And as a parent, this is something that I've certainly seen at my home. My son's come to me before he makes a purchase, but that wasn't always the case. And for many families, these purchases are happening rapidly, repeatedly, and without full awareness as far as what the cost is or why there's a cost. In addition to what Rep. Zokai outlined, this bill requires price transparency in U.S. dollars at the point of sale so that kids and parents actually understand what they're spending money on. It also establishes a modest 5% fee on those add-on transactions, with that revenue going directly into the state public school fund. The fiscal note, if you've had a chance to review it, estimates that this could generate up to $20 million annually, which is an opportunity to reinvest those dollars into after-school programs, community spaces, and opportunities that get kids off of screens and back into real-world connection. You all may not know this, but once kids go into the sixth grade, they no longer are eligible for before and after school programming at elementary schools, which means that we are seeing a higher rate of kids unsupervised after school hours. And so that's just another reason that we're seeing more and more screens that are filling that gap of after school care. Secondly, the bill takes on an important step in addressing algorithms. Historically, the state's not been able to regulate algorithms, but we know that these systems are designed to maximize engagement, to keep kids online longer, and as a result, can amplify harmful content that's linked to anxiety, eating disorders, and even suicidal ideation. I'll leave you with this. HB 1148 establishes common sense practices of privacy and safety by design with the core belief that if you're making money off of kids, you should be transparent about how. If you're designing systems for kids, you should design them to mitigate harm. And if kids are spending money in your ecosystem, a portion of that should come back to support their well-being in the real world. I ask for your aye vote. And as you consider this bill, I hope that you remember that this is not the only space in which we have consumer protections. We have sought to improve and establish consumer protections across the board, especially when it comes to dating apps, when it comes to social media, and even more recently, last session, as it relates to Uber and Lyft as well, with the ultimate goal of frankly just keeping people safe. So we welcome your questions and want to acknowledge that we do have individuals here to provide testimony in their own personal stories. I ask for your aye vote and thank you for your time. Committee members questions for the bill of sponsors E Bacon Thank you I wondering if thank you very much for your bill presentations I do have a few questions, but the ones that I wanted to start with are actually going back to the fee in the sense of if you or maybe any witnesses can also share potentially what we are beginning to understand about social media, online gaming use, and our public health. And the reason why I ask that is because historically we tend to look to, for example, substances, whether we have legalized them or not we still acknowledge that they might have potential impacts on our communities and we do have fees or and or excise taxes from them to cover the same concerns and so I'm wondering if in in addition to what you shared if you can expand upon or if you have any witnesses that can also share with us in regards to that impact, because the public health concerns are then things that the state has to pay for, not only through culture, but through services. And so I'm wondering if you can expand a little bit about that, because I do think that fund might be timely, given all of the things that we might now be coming across. and the question is how do we all share the burden between the business and our neighbors reps okay thank you mr chair thank you aml bacon um yeah i think the reason that you are seeing school psychologists and aap on this fact sheet is because what is happening online in these spaces is greatly impacting kids mental health and it is partially the compulsive use piece where you have essentially created addictions in children and that leads to other negative behaviors that are self-destructive many times. And because these are not safe spaces where kids are being exposed to things that are impacting their mental health. And just the amount of time kids spend online has a disproportionate impact on how happy they are. And I think there will be witnesses that can testify more specifically to that, but that is also why we want to provide an avenue for kids to be able to support other kids and why you see that fee as a way for children to support after-school programs. I should also note that we are working on expanding that fee now that our fiscal was a little more than we expected to see what other services and programs this can go to that will support children.
Red Palford.
Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thank you, Representative Bacon, for the question. To add on to what my colleague just shared, you know, I think there are a couple of pretty significant public health impacts that we're seeing with the amount of screen time that kids are, you know, spending, right, on screens. you know first I think when they're on a screen they're physically sitting down right typically on a couch and a chair on the floor which means that all of those hours that they are sitting they are not outside they are not physically moving their bodies and so I think that there are some health impacts you know certainly that correlate there to health outcomes whether it the lack of physical activity lack of good food vitamin D just simply being outside in the sunlight I think those all compound and certainly have an impact on our kids. I think the other thing is when you're in front of a screen, you're not in front of another human being. You're not having a conversation. You're not learning how to pick up on social cues, on how to have tough conversations, how to navigate the complexity of simply being human. And so I think it creates this environment where if you're only communicating in a really competitive way online via a game, then you don't necessarily know how to interact with somebody when you do have an issue. And I think that that has led to the increase in violence that we've seen as a country and just an inability to know how to move through some of those difficult moments. And I think that that is a huge public health issue if we're harming each other instead of having conversations that need to be had.
Amy Mila Bacon.
Rep. Linnell. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I'm also a little worried about the fees because so and I do agree with everything that you said, I didn't play too many games as a child growing up. So I typically and I don't have children myself, but when I see children play these games, so they get they're able to afford the games from two ways. It's usually via gift card, which there was already a fee imposed. there was already a tax and then um it's usually them saving up their money in order to afford this game so then we're essentially taxing children and i think that that's where i feel bad because we're essentially taxing children is that fair to you know is that a fair assessment it's okay thank you mr chair i we are putting a small fee these are again very small purchase
dollar amounts and so the five percent I imagine would be under 25 cents many of the times but we are putting a small fee on these transactions and you're right is coming from children to support programs for children that we think would be much better use of their time to have an after-school program so that they are not forced to spend this much time on a screen I think is a worthwhile fee to impose.
Rep. Fennell, did you have an, oh, sorry.
Sorry, Rep. Wolford.
It's okay. Thank you for the question, Rep. Fennell. I appreciate that you recognize that gift cards are used. My son, you know, discovered that our mischievous leprechaun left him a gift card for his games yesterday, so I appreciate that you recognize that. And I hear you in terms of saving the money and using those dollars to be able to game. I think the piece that's really important to recognize is that if a gift card isn't present, then the user has to have a credit card or a debit card. And so if a kid doesn't have a debit card, then they're oftentimes using their parents' debit card. and we are not distinguishing between you know minors people under the age of 18 and individuals who are over the age of 18 and so it five percent fee across across the board and so it not just minors that would be paying into the fund It would be everybody across the board And again the intention really is to make sure that we are supporting kids and giving them opportunities that are off of screens to continue to develop and have supervision and other opportunities after school.
So, Rob Flannell.
And then just another question, because I did Google Roblox lawsuits, and it said Roblox response. So, in the early 2026, Roblox announced mandatory facial age verification for users to access chat features, additional safety features. The company has implemented parental controls, disabled direct image sharing in chats, and increased human moderation. I'm curious, and then there's also additional legal positions. I'm curious if, because it seems like this was implemented pretty early on and perhaps maybe around the same time that this bill was written, if these legal responses have possibly fixed what this bill is trying to do.
Rep's okay. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Rep Funnell.
I wish I could say that it does. If it does, then I would think Roblox would be compliant should this bill pass. In my opening, I touched on how that AI age verification is going. It has not been accurate and actually has led to kids being even more harmed as it's given predators an ability to really target children in a way they couldn't before. So I actually think it's made the problem worse. I hope that that gets fixed. And I do know that I've also mentioned Roblox a number of times. It is just one company in a series of online games that are targeted at kids. And so we do want to make sure that all online gaming meets the studio care.
Rep Flanel.
Rep Sober. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thank you, sponsors. I do want to preface my question by saying both of you said something I have agreed. firmly with. And that's that our kids these days spend way too much time in front of a screen, whether it's a cell phone, iPad, computer screen, TV screen, that their entire world is constrained by the digital world. And in many ways, it constrains their ability to think outside the box, to be kids, to be creative. I think about my own childhood of the outdoors was all we had really because we really weren't wealthy enough to have things with screens. But that was also a benefit. A question for you turning to especially the fiscal note. So just looking at the fiscal note, it projects the state revenue of up to $20 million in the first year, up to $22.8 million in the second year. I mean, assuming a 10% growth rate, because, I mean, that would be comparing the first two years over these. I mean, you can do the math. That will far exceed the $100 million in five years that Proposition 117 says that it was passed by the people. It needs to go to a vote of the people at the ballot box, because it's an enterprise that is generating that much revenue. Do you plan on sending this to the ballot box right away?
Rep Zoka. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Rep Zoper. I will say the fiscal note is something we are continuing to work on, and our fiscal analyst was having a hard time really nailing down that data, which is why it says up to. We are looking at options.
Excellent. Our fiscal analyst is here. I can add on to that. It currently is not in an enterprise. It is going to a fund. We have an amendment that specifies which fund, but this is something we are continuing to talk through. And I imagine this is going to finance and approach, so it will be something we will have to tackle before those committees. Mr. Armstrong. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Representative Soper, I just want to clarify one thing. If you look at the bottom of page three where it says state revenue, costs in fiscal year 2026-27 are prom rated for a 10.5-month impact. So you shouldn't interpret the growth that you're seeing between the budget year and the out year as a 10% growth that I expect to continue into perpetuity. It's really just the proration that you're seeing is the difference between those two figures.
Rob Soper. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I have a question for the sponsors, but I'll jump over to our fiscal analyst while you're here. So because it's prorated for 10 months, you're saying in the fiscal year 26-27, it really would be closer to a $22 million level, maybe?
Mr. Armstrong. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Representative Soper, the 10.5-month impact is up to $20 million, and then the full 12-month impact in the out year is up to $22.8 million.
Rep. Soper. Oh, thank you. I appreciate hearing that. You know, kind of looking over to the Motley Fool and looking at roadblocks and what they're projecting for the five-year growth of the company. They're projecting that the company should be at 22% to 26% margin each year for the next five years. Considering that, do you believe that these numbers are accurate in terms of state revenue coming in because if that's what the marketplace is predicting for a company that controls 10% of the market, wouldn't you expect these numbers to be higher?
Mr. Amshar. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Representative Silber, for a great question that sort of looks at the future. Our forecasts and our revenue, as we get farther and farther out, they get a little bit more and more uncertain, I think is sort of fair to say. So we don't want to assume that just because there's a trend now that it will continue in perpetuity into the future unless there's pretty clear and convincing evidence that we think that that will continue to be the case. Admittedly, this estimate about the revenue is based on the most recent data that we could get for industry trends, and we attempted to project it and have it reflect the numbers that you see here. I'm a little hesitant to try and agree or disagree with some of the statistics that you're quoting right now. But, of course, I'm happy to take a look at them further if you want to talk about that in more detail.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Mr. Armstrong. Last question, I promise, for you. How does your office advise members of the General Assembly when they are wanting to create a fee like this that is likely to exceed 100 million in five years knowing what Proposition 117 says.
Mr. Arumacher. Thank you Mr Chair Thank you Representative Soper Admittedly Proposition 117 was not something that I had considered and my co Amanda Little had potentially tried to look at specifically in result of this bill So I'd like to get back to you on that, if that's okay.
Sounds good. Thank you. Rep Soper. Thank you, Mr. Chair. The last question I had, which is back for the sponsors, really looks at, I mean, the regulation of the social media platforms. It's kind of hard to encompass it all together. I was looking for what term of art you had actually used. At what point do we have a commerce clause issue, or at least a dormant commerce clause issue, where we're doing something that is crossing state lines? I mean, it could be that the server is not even in Colorado. The platform may be accessed through Colorado, but we have now entered kind of this brave new world of, I mean, you know, doing something that might actually harm out-of-state residents in a way that it wouldn't touch in-state residents or negatively impact in-state residents as opposed to those out-state residents.
Rep. Soka. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Rep Soper. Of all the attorneys I've consulted with around this fee, that did not come up. I do not think that we have a Commerce Clause issue with these transactions being limited to Coloradans and this fee amount being negligible. I don't see it affecting negatively out-of-state residents versus in-state residents. And we really did look at what kinds of fees we have on online purchases and what range we see those fees. and it was around 3% to 7%. And so that's where we settled on 5%.
Okay. Thank you. Amal Bacon? Sorry, I wanted to argue that point with my counsel over there. And I'm like, I'm not sure of unduly burdens when we also associate fee collections, whether to or whatever, given the commerce within our state. But I'm sorry. I just wanted to go back to a conversation about, oh, I'm sorry, I think I may have lost it over time, but if you are still in the space of trying to figure out the fee construction, I think I was curious also to know what other conversations that you may have had that could provide some sort of connection to well-being and use of the dollars. As I heard the question about whose money it is, I definitely wanted, I heard my mom, when it's like, can I buy this? And I used to say back in the day, everybody knows the phrase, can we go to McDonald's? What's the answer? You got McDonald's money? You got McDonald's money? And I don't think that's necessarily different with this. And our young people buying things with their parents' money or their own still had to pay sales tax everywhere else. And that kind of led me to my question. I have been, unfortunately, I don't think my online games are that cool, but I have bought a bonus pack. Don't judge me. Right? And so when I think about generally the construct of online gaming, and maybe this is connected to what I was asking you know where we do or do not see any other types of fees or taxes I did want to know about the 5 being comparable you know to had I bought a bonus pack to my card game in the state of Colorado what would that be And then my other question, too, is I am curious about any fees being collected if they are used. I think our fiscal analyst, oh, he's still back there. Since you did mention, for example, the state education fund, I was curious about being able to support maybe at least entities or some sort of connection to them. So, for example, supporting, we have a bill in law that supports lawyers who want to help kids with special education or discrimination cases. We have Safe to Tell. And so I am curious about the ability to connect any of these things to some extent supportive work that's being done by our agencies. I'm not sure of the background there. and I'll be quite honest, if you have any insights there, I would love to hear it. If not, maybe that is a question for the Finance Committee by way of boundaries. But if we do have the opportunities to invest in some of the things that we know, you know, this type of platform is contributing to as a matter of our interest in public health, I would like to know how we can connect it. And so if you can or cannot answer that here, that's fine. I think I had one more question generally in regards to the crux of the bill going back to data privacy as well as data collection. I know there are some cases going through the courts, but I am wondering if you can share about what you do know about the state's authorities and opportunities to manage its own expectations around privacy, let alone data privacy. Because in this conversation, I do think it'd be helpful for us to kind of hear from the ethos and you what you might be seeing as trends across the country and what it is that we know we can do here at the state level to assert our own issues around privacy. If you have any commentary there, I'd be grateful to hear it. Whoever would like to jump in.
Reb Zocay. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you so much for that question. So I will start with the fee piece, and I will say that we are continuing to work on it, but I really appreciate your question because I do want to, on the record, make it clear that this fee was not put in place as a deterrent, and we tried to pick an amount that would be negligible and not act as a deterrent. And you're right. It is mostly parents' money. I can attest to that. And I believe the minority leader also joined me in commiserating about how much we spend on these platforms. But if the impact is to be deterrent, I think that that's great personally. But the intent of this fee is to give children a chance to give back to programs that help them. And so we have an amendment we are running that will put this fee towards after school programs. With it being a bit more than we thought, we are looking into options of an enterprise. or a spa, and so we need to look around what is the best route to go. I do agree that there a lot of programs around schools and protecting children in schools that I think has a strong nexus here and is something that we want to explore of what programs can we safeguard this money to ensure that it really does go to helping children. So thank you for bringing that up and I will certainly let you know the direction that we continue to go with this as we are trying to diversify the funds in a way that's beneficial as much as we can. Around data privacy, the state has an interest to say that we have to safeguard kids' data. And we are able to say what data can be used and for what purpose. And so that is what we've done in this bill. The court challenges that you've noted come up when we ask for specific speech or action from platforms. And that is very specifically not what we are doing here. We have set expectations of what we like to see from platforms. And we have said that Data collected from minors cannot be used in these ways. And so that, I believe, will not have an issue with any sort of court challenge, especially as this language is borrowed from other areas of statute around social media data privacy. And so now we are just expanding that into online gaming.
I actually have a follow-up on that piece. So a lot of the case law in this space that is relevant and worth talking about has to do with age verification. So back in 2004, the Supreme Court basically ruled that the federal government couldn't implement an age verification law in the context of pornographic websites. We've seen states moving in that direction, the law moving in a different direction. There was a ruling from the Supreme Court last year that I actually disagree with, especially in light of the data privacy implications when we are giving these companies access to – because how the age verification works is it's a face scan and a photo of your ID. and I do appreciate in the bill it says any data collected in connection with an age verification requires deletion of data but I will note that it only says deletion of data if the data reveals that the user is a child. I also have concerns about these companies hanging on to an ID or a face scan outside the scope of if it's a child, especially when these companies are getting more intertwined. We just heard last week Anthropic and the Pentagon in a dispute because Anthropic doesn't want their technology to be used to help the Pentagon create a police state. If Anthropic has access to people's identification, I see issues here. So my question is multifaceted. One part of it has to do with I see there's AG rulemaking authority on permissible methods of ID verification. And I appreciate that there's no specific mandate. but also curious how you feel about a permissible rule that the AG could adopt could be, in theory, the face scan and ID, right? And then if the bill doesn't specifically have any, anything in it about what the companies are then supposed to do with that data. Do you have concerns about that? And then the other part of the question is what sort of consequences would there be for a company not complying with the privacy portions of this bill? Because I could see, like, if there's a data leak, the impact on members of the public being quite severe. That's okay. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I share all of your concerns and I appreciate you
highlighting them. So I will say that I think the language that you're pointing to is upon determining that a user is a covered minor. I did not want that to be restrictive, meaning that otherwise keep the data that was written in that way because this bill is narrow to protections for minors and we wanted to make sure that everything we are doing is within the scope of the bill, but I am happy to add language or if we are able to take that piece out and expand it, I'm happy to do that. I just don't know if it would fit within the title. So that is something I'm certainly open to because I don't want to have a reverse implication that otherwise it is okay. I don't know if I'm answering any of your other questions, but it is a deceptive trade practice to violate any piece of this bill and it has AG enforcement.
Okay, I do think that I do read the reverse implication there, that there's no requirement for deletion of data other than the data to identify if it's a child. So I would recommend cleanup there. And I do think there's probably conversations we need to be had that might include guidance on what the permissible methods would be. Although I will say, you know, I don't know if you have any First Amendment scholars coming to testify, but maybe if it's just permissive, that it's something they could do. You know, as Rep Flanell said, it sounds like Roblox is already doing that. A company doing that doesn't violate the First Amendment. A government mandating it does, right? And so if it's just a list of options, maybe we don't run afoul of First Amendment jurisprudence, but I do think that there's conversation to be had there. And then on the last piece, I am not comfortable just telling the biggest companies in the world, hey, delete data. I do think we should figure out some teeth around enforcement in terms of protecting people's privacy.
Reps, okay. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I would like to just say I share all of your concerns with age assurance methods. As I highlighted, I don't think that they work. And the fact that AI is running a lot of them is problematic. And I, quite frankly, have concerns on if AI is running this, do the companies actually know all the data that is being used? Is it being used now in some sort of machine learning model and they don't have control over it? I do think that I want this provision to go a lot further, and I personally do not think that any company should require a child to scan their face to play their game. But we are trying to do what is feasible here and find some sort of middle road approach. But I am happy to look into that further to add some teeth to it and to be more clear about the rulemaking Great Okay further questions Rob Sober
I have just one further question that I'm trying to understand. In section one of the bill, does it only apply to games or does it apply to all types of platforms? because like on page four, it talks about covered entity, talks about does business in the state generates a majority of its annual revenue from online services. That would lead me to believe everyone. But then C says makes available online game services, products, or features and continues on. So just because someone makes available, that actually could be a small part of their business as long as the majority of their business was online.
Rep Soba.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. And my apologies, Rep Soba, for not handing out this amendment. You did catch something that we also thought we should clarify. So in L5, we are striking the word makes, and we are substituting has a primary purpose of making. We are just trying to target online gaming, not other platforms that might have a game available. Thank you. Rep Slough.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Is this narrowly defined enough that it focuses on any certain set of games, or is this going to be open to any online gaming activities?
Rep, Wilfred, Rep, it's okay. Thank you, Mr. Chair. This is online gaming that is targeted to minors, and I believe that our definition of covered business is narrow enough to not be what you would think of as your traditional gaming, but that type of gaming that is targeted at minors truly is more of a social media-esque gaming, and that is what we are trying to encompass in this bill. Other questions? Okay. Seeing none. we will switch to the witness testimony phase. Sponsors, we have two in opposition, and then the rest of the witnesses are four. Do you have a preference on order? Rep Wilford. Okay, okay. Andrew O'Connor and Andrew Wood. And if there's anyone else in the room or online who would like to testify in opposition to the bill? I think Andrew Wood is remote. Okay. We'll start in the room with Andrew O'Connor. You will have three minutes. The button to turn on the mic is right by where it plugs in. It's under that little red light. There we go. Okay, thank you. You have three minutes.
Thank you. Thank you, Chair, members of the committee. For the record, my name is Andrew O'Connor. I am testifying on behalf of the Entertainment Software Association in respectable opposition to House Bill 1148. ESA is the voice and advocate of the U.S. video game industry. I would like to start by saying I've submitted written testimony and information to the committee. I am happy to address any questions to that. But for the sake of timing, I just want to hit on a few key points for you today. First and foremost I would be remiss if I did not call out the constitutional conservatives bill while there I think there was discussion of the dormant commerce clause I not sure about that But House Bill 1148 is likely to conflict with the First Amendment because it strongly encourages online platforms to over and to avoid penalties tied to the law vague definition of what could be harmful to minors um i also want to point out that um colorado uh has done a lot in uh the online safety space and you've passed a very strong comprehensive privacy bill you've added minor protections to it and a lot of discussion around age assurance there is an age assurance bill that i believe has passed the senate it is now in the house senate bill 51 that is actually being considered So three things that are leading the country and to my knowledge have not – obviously the two laws have not been sued. Age assurance is a different issue I'll put to the side, but this one would be then likely to be litigated and move you guys to the courts. And finally I want to touch on the 5% fee. It may not sound alike, but obviously this is an additional burden that is placed on consumers in the state of Colorado. I echo some of the privacy concerns. This would now force companies to confirm your location and hold on to that location data to ensure that they are taxing you correctly and that people are not being overtaxed. So your neighbors in Wyoming or Kansas or anything like that would have to make sure that they are not being taxed as well if they're close to the border. And then with my last minute, I want to touch on a couple things to talk about the video game industry writ large. For 30 years, we have operated with the Entertainment Software Ratings Board. It is a self-regulatory ratings platform, E for everyone, T for teen, M for mature. Very strong content descriptors, interactive features. All of that is spelled out for parents, and parental controls are built around that. we also believe that screen time is not created equal and while there may or may not be mental health problems associated with certain terms of screen time the evidence overwhelmingly suggests that video games are a net positive for society it is a much more active engagement with screens and for parents that want to limit screen time all those protections are available to them and then lastly I want to touch on violence which is a very important thing to talk about There is no, through tons of research that our industry has done and that other academics have put together, there is no causal connection between video game violence and real world violence. over 3 billion people play video games worldwide but the united states is far ahead in violent deaths especially gun deaths versus other countries that play video games in a much higher clip than we do so this idea that video games cause real world violence uh is not true and should be dismissed and not be considered when you're talking about mental health for video games so with that happy to answer any questions or pass along to whoever else may be testifying
Thank you. Andrew Wood. You will have three minutes. State any organization you represent. You may begin. It's under the little red light by where the mic plugs in. Yep.
Got it. Thank you. I'm sorry for being late. Mr. Chair and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify in opposition to House Bill 1148. My name is Andrew Wood, and I'm the Executive Director for TechNet Central Region. TechNet is the national bipartisan network of technology CEOs and senior executives that promotes the growth in the innovation economy TechNet and our member companies share the commitment to protecting minors online our members invest significantly in age design parental controls and safety infrastructure it's precisely because of that shared commitment that we urge this committee to oppose house bill 1148 as written because the bill's current structure creates compliance obligations that are ambiguous and in some cases technically unworkable our primary concern is the bill's age assurance provision. Section 61905 requires businesses to immediately delete all age-determined data once a user is identified as a minor. But the bill then imposes an extensive set of ongoing minor-specific obligations, privacy defaults, content restrictions, transaction fees, notification bans, all of which require the company to know on an ongoing basis that the user is a minor. The bill does not clarify whether a business may retain a minor status designation after deleting the underlying verification data, that gap creates substantial compliance uncertainty. Businesses do not know what records they may lawfully keep, and they face potential enforcement exposure under both the data deletion requirement and the minor specific obligations, regardless of how they proceed. We also have serious concerns about the bill's compulsive use prohibition. The bill defines compulsive use as repetitive use that, quote, materially disrupts major life activities, end quote, or quote, subverts a minor's autonomy, end quote. But these terms are highly subjective and do not correspond to any established clinical standard. The DSM-5 has not recognized compulsive gaming or social media use as a clinical diagnosis. Without a settled clinical benchmark, businesses cannot design objectively compliant products, and courts will be left to make subjective case-by-case determinations about individual user behavior. That is not a workable leaguer standard. Finally, the bill's 5% fee on add-on transactions by minors has no comparable precedent in consumer protection law and creates exactly the kind of per-transaction identification burden that depends on the same age data that the bill requires to be deleted. The practical effect is that companies face compliance uncertainty no matter how they structure their data practices. For these reasons, I respectfully urge you to vote no on the bill.
Thank you. Committee members, do we have questions?
Amel Bacon. Thank you. I'm wondering if you can repeat in your testimony. What is subjective when it comes to our articulated duties of care? The reason why I'm asking is what I see in the legislation, it calls out imminent harm to self, imminent harm to other, enticing others to do something imminently harmful, which is, if not the same language for teachers when it comes to mandatory reporting. So I'm sorry if I missed it. I'm wondering if you could repeat then what your concern was by way of subjectivity.
Mr. Wood. Mr. Chair, Representative Bacon, thank you for the question. Is this in relation to what I said about the compulsive use prohibition? Maybe.
Is that where you – I'm sorry, Mr. Chair, may we dialogue?
You may dialogue.
Sorry, it's a theme today.
Sorry.
Is that where you were referring to subjectivity?
Yes.
In the compulsive use – oh, we're dialogue, correct?
Yes.
Okay. Sorry.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Yes, in that compulsive use prohibition, it has terms like materially disrupts major life activities or subverts a minor's autonomy, but those are the highly subjective terms that I was referring to and those don't correspond to any clinical standards currently in the DSM-5. So that's where it creates some compliance uncertainty for companies as they try to design these products in the best way possible, but without having that guiding principle.
Okay, thank you. Maybe one more question. I can understand.
I think I heard earlier in regards to arguments that video games make kids violent, despite growing up in the 80s and 90s and hearing that politically from elsewhere. I'm not sure if that's entirely what was said. I think the conversations that I do recall, and please correct me if I'm wrong, We're talking about the prolonged sitting, the prolonged screen time, those types of things where, you know, are you familiar with any data then around those behaviors?
Mr. O'Connor. Thank you. violence has been disproven multiple times over various studies. I'd be happy to supply the committee with data to that point, as well as data and information for health and well-being. I, off the top of my head, cannot think of anything in terms of sitting and adverse impacts on too long of time in front of a screen sitting down, specific to video games. But we have plenty of studies that show people have very positive experiences playing video games. It's an active, you are still working with a team, you're still working to accomplish goals, you are still, it is not the same as, which I'm sure we are all guilty of, of sitting in your bed and scrolling through and just taking information in. You are actively doing something in that point, You're still working your brain. You're building skills to that. So we can argue over indoor-outdoor activities, but as far as indoor activities go, I can give you guys a lot of information on the overwhelming positives that are associated with video game play.
Thank you for that. I wonder if there is then a world where behavior impacting someone to want to harm themselves could be considered violence. I don't think this is like you've played a video game to, you know, everybody knows our favorite game around stealing cards. And versus, you know, all the video games that include singular play. And I told you I buy an action pack and sitting in a bed. So I'm just curious. Sorry about that from industry that perhaps maybe the frame might be different. But I hear what you're saying. And I would be curious to follow up with you on that on those points. But I won't take up more time. Thank you very much.
Thank you. Happy to do so. Happy to give a bunch of materials around. Thank you.
Other questions? Rep's over.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. My questions are for Mr. O'Connor. And actually, if I could dialogue briefly.
You may dialogue. Mr. O'Connor, that means you can just respond directly to Rep's over.
Thank you, Mr. O'Connor. And I'm going to preface by saying I didn't hear the sponsors mention anything about violence, certainly on the mental health side. I happen to have a different view. I do think the proliferation of violent video games has led to a more violent society but you and I can debate that offline because that not in the four corners of this bill But I did want to lay it on the record that there are differing viewpoints between witnesses and the dais In terms of the constitutionality of this bill, you touched on several elements. From the First Amendment, I know we briefly touched on the Commerce Clause, and this may be a question for the other, Andrew. But could you walk us through a little bit more of the constitutionality issues that you see here?
Certainly, happy to. I cannot speak to the Commerce Clause. I am happy to point out some of the First Amendment issues. So from a First Amendment perspective, government requirements to age gate access to an expressive work is a violation. And couching the requirement in privacy terms does not necessarily change the principle behind that. um uh the supreme court recently gave very narrow um i have it in my note um um so yes the only type of speech for which there is age verification online content for yes uh free speech coalition versus paxton which happened i believe earlier this year late last year that was in response to Texas's age requirements to access pornographic materials. The Supreme Court ruled that this was an okay time to do age verification for content, but even then a First Amendment analysis must still be performed because such a requirement impacts the speech rights for adults and the state doesn't have a free reign on that. so right then on its face it is likely to violate the first amendment there are active lawsuits in california and maryland for which this bill takes a lot of the age-appropriate design code principles from there is also a law in vermont that while it is still in rulemaking has not gone into effect a lot of the testimony around that bill was in opposition was around a lawsuit and since California has been sued, Maryland has been sued, I think it's very likely and even Governor Scott in Vermont acknowledged that it's likely to be sued. I'd be happy also to get more First Amendment information because apologies, I am not a lawyer, so a lot of it is I just understand that it does not fall into where we have seen the courts go for access to content.
Thank you, Mr. Paxton. I think we're still dialogue. Mr. O'Connor, I'm sorry. I looked down at my notes here. What steps, for example, has the industry already taken, and is this something where the industry as a whole can police themselves? Yeah. In regards to protecting content for children. Absolutely.
Absolutely. I referenced it briefly in my testimony, the Entertainment Software Ratings Board. which was born from the 90s and a lot of issues that games had, and a lot of concern over access to content. The Entertainment Software Ratings Board, it is the group behind the recognizable E for Everyone, T for Teen, M for Mature. All of those are, before a game comes to market, they submit their game, description of the game, description of what you will encounter and other features that are relevant to the rating They submit it to the ratings board Ratings board goes through all that They go through the game They have game testers They have accepted boxes of, okay, this is what would qualify for a team game. This is what would qualify for a mature game. They go through all of that, and they provide the content descriptors at the box level, you can see just a very quick snippet of rated M for violence, situations, things of that sort, rated E for everyone, with the call out that maybe there's cartoon mischief or something like that in it. If parents are interested more in that, they are then able to go online to the ESRB website. They can get a full breakdown of everything they will encounter. This also includes in-game communications, in-game spend, other features that you are likely to run into. This has been done, like I noted, since the early 90s, 1994, so over 30 years. This has been a self-regulated body that has its own levels of fees and punishments, or fines and punishments, sorry, and also fees for getting a game rated. and all that to say that those protections are then tied into the games themselves or into the consoles as well so if you have a shared device a shared playstation a shared console and your child also plays on that you set them up with the child account and you can give them time spend or time allowances that then they can you can monitor from your phone from an application on your phone. Money spend, so either a strict no money spent at all or an allowance for a week, a month, whatever it may be. You can also have it to notify you and have parental sign off on any spend at all. So if I were to, if I were your kid and I was going to buy something, you get either a notification on your phone or you have to insert a PIN number to then be able to download that. So all of those safety features are built around the rating system and the content descriptors that are all put out front.
Cool. Thank you. And, Mr. Chair, I'd also like to ask a question of Mr. Wood.
Yeah.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Mr. Wood, you mentioned about location data of the user for being able to appropriately assess the 5% fee based on where the user was at the time. I wondered if you could, or Mr. O'Connor, well, okay, whichever one of you actually was talking about the location data and the fee, would you be willing to just elaborate a bit more? Because it was pretty quick, and I'd like to hear just a little bit more in terms of knowing exactly where someone was, like if they're in Wyoming versus Colorado, and making sure that it doesn't get caught up incorrectly.
I believe that was me. so I would be happy to take it through Mr. Chair to the representative yes so not all gaming companies will take location data there are some games that take location data and have that data and as part of an augmented reality experience or whatever else it may be they know exactly where you are because that's built into the game so they know right then and there okay this is a Colorado user or a resident of Colorado because they are in Colorado they can be charged a 5 fee Speaking from my own experience as someone who plays too many games and has all the consoles and is supposed to be planning a wedding, my PlayStation does not know where I am at a given moment. I could pack it up with me from Virginia and bring it out here, And unless I insert a Colorado credit card, it would have no reason to know I'm in Colorado and I could buy those things. And then effectively then I am bypassing a tax. So for enforcement, and as our companies have started to kind of think about this as they have been introduced to this concept specifically, this would then force a company to know where you are at the beginning and then hold on to that data to ensure that they can then continue to properly tax you.
I hope that answers that question.
Rep, are you good? Yeah, thank you. I appreciate that. I see your hand wraps live.
Garcia, AML Bacon, and then Slock.
Garcia. Mr. Chair, if it's okay, I think Bacon has a follow-up to this line of questioning, and then I have a separate line of questioning.
Okay. AML Bacon. Thank you. I'm sorry for being tongue-in-cheek with you because, you know, the late 90s were awesome for PlayStation. However, I do believe we're talking about online gaming, and this is why this line of questioning is about what we know now to be true about the business models of these games, their relationship to geolocating, not just in general, but also for purposes of marketing and whatnot. So is it, you know, in your experience, that in the online gaming space, that media and marketing is not a revenue stream for these platforms? And it doesn't necessarily need to be the most one game, but are we seeing in online gaming platforms that there are revenue streams that come from marketing and media that are targeted to people based off of where they live? And if the answer is no, okay, but I don't think that's necessarily the case. And I think my other question for you is, given the business aspect of this, are we saying online gaming does not – in the industry, they do not geolocate or use that kind of information to support them in any other endeavor in their business?
Mr. O'Connor. Through you, Mr. Chair. I'm sorry. I want to make sure I'm answering the first question correctly. So when you talk about the media and marketing, are you –
If I may, Mr. Chair, I'll read it. Sorry. I want to make sure I'm answering the questions. I think my question is given what you know about this space, the business aspect of this space, it is my assumption based off of just my experience as a consumer that the online gaming platforms, which span from everything from like moving blocks to team play, right? that there is a new part of this business that brings in revenue through marketing and through media outreach and touches. And in order to do that, my understanding is businesses do know where I am to target the right type of opportunities to me, a.k.a. geolocation. And so my question is, is it your understanding then in this space as a matter of business that they do or do not have geolocation functions? to determine where precisely people are?
To answer that, I think... Through you, Mr. Chair, sorry. I think that those are two different discussions. I think that for the idea of media and marketing, there are obviously mobile games that track your geolocation and have it and can target advertise based on that. For console games, the advertising that is done on there is not necessarily a targeted media campaign. I do not know the full specifics of it, but as it goes for kind of the media and marketing I think you're talking about, that comes from a different stream from the gameplay that is, okay, let's say, for instance, Madden NFL. If Electronic Arts is running a media and marketing campaign around Madden, they may say, okay, we are going to advertise in the Denver metro market of, you know, use the Broncos. Go Broncos. You can be Bo Nix. This is incredible. You know, all that. that in itself is derived from separate, that would be a marketing campaign that is done through either a social media company or whatever it may be to make sure that that target audience is then hit. Does that answer?
Mr. Chair, if I may. It will be. Thank you. I think I understand what you're saying. And perhaps, you know, I think in me being more direct, I do think there is console play, And I do believe that when you plug into some of these consoles, you can play then online with other people from other. And I guess what I'm getting at is whether or not it's console play to online or just what we have called online gaming. Geolocating is a function that these businesses are using. And so I guess my question is, is that true? Because if we're in a place where it's true that none of these businesses are using geolocation, then maybe I would better understand how are we supposed to know where someone is. But what I think my experience is, I use that, the example of being marketed to, because I've seen that. I've gone online and they know where I am. And so while this question isn't necessarily limited to revenue streams, if that does or does not happen, The point I'm trying to ask about is do these businesses use geolocation, whether it is to market or whether it is to connect you to other game players? And the truth of the matter is they do, right? I mean, that's my question. Do these businesses use geolocation generally for purposes of their businesses, whether it's to bring in money or not, but do they?
through you chair to the representative I would have to get more information on the exact business practices of each company and how they use geolocation because that is something that to my point there is a wide range of games that use a wide range of data they collect games that are mobile and may have again some sort of augmented reality component to them they are much more are likely to have and maintain and utilize geolocation data. For a single player online game I do not think that they would have that geolocation Again I can get back to you and make sure I get that information on those geolocation practices From my experience with companies, to answer one further point to that is they have a very broad, a lot of games have a very broad geolocation to know that you are in the United States of America. So then if you play an online matchmaking server, you are in United States servers. You are not playing on a Chinese server or a European server or the rest of it. So I can get more specifics on that. I'd be happy to follow up with you and the committee to make sure that I address that question completely for you.
So thank you. No, thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I heard
something that you were saying around the topic of adverse impacts of gaming amongst minors and that you were unaware of any sort of research that indicates that. And I'm just curious if you're aware of the current study under review that is actually addressing that exact thing. excuse me I just had the title of it but essentially it's saying that there's nine different categories that actually demonstrate that online gaming does lead to mental health disorders and I'm just curious if you all have seen that
ah yes called internet gaming disorder
I'm sorry what was that last part? internet gaming disorder
Mr. O'Connor I have heard of internet gaming disorder I believe that came from the World Health Organization that has been disputed and is still under work I'd be happy to get more information and present that to you in the committee I do not have that in front of me but I will also then send the comment that I was directly replying to which I don't know again if I misheard it but I heard a connection between violence and video games and that was the direct connection that I was making there. So thank you.
Rob Garcia. Thank you. And then to follow up outside of that, there is also found in the National Library of Medicine studies that demonstrate the effects of excessive screen time on child development. It does indicate some positive impacts, yet conclusions indicate that there has to be efforts to reduce screen time because it does lead to social isolation. It leads to poor social development. It leads to poor cognitive development. So I'm curious how you would respond to that, which is not actually a study that's up for review. It is one that has been approved and is peer-reviewed. And screen time is screen time, whether you're online gaming or not. So can you please address your thoughts there? Mr. O'Connor. Through you, Chair, to the Representative. Um, I, from what you discussed on that, it sounds like an entire, um, study of screen time leading to those adverse impacts. Um, I would respond to that, that we stand by the idea that not all screen time is created equal, that there are many positives to playing video games. Um and for parents and for consumers that want to limit their screen time we offer tons of tools that limit screen time turn it off It can be done from a telephone app or a cell phone app on a parent phone It can be done through the console. We offer a lot of those tools to stop overexposure to screen time. That's something that our industry values player safety, values consumer health. And, again, I stand by the fact that we maintain that not all screen time is created equal, that the positives of playing games are there and are proven. And if we're going to have an entire talk about screen time, then I think that that then also kind of shows that this bill needs to address a much wider swath of online actors and not just the video game industry. Rep Garcia. Based on your response there and looking at what are the provisions that this bill is bringing forward and you saying you already offer all of these tools to parents, how do you know that they're a parent to then say, here are the tools you can use to help protect your kid? Or is this something that is just expected for parents to have to investigate? Mr. O'Connor. Through the chair, roughly 75% of parents are aware of and utilize the ESRB ratings. There are numerous public relations campaigns, numerous awareness campaigns that the industry puts out through ESRB. ESRB is constantly taking parental feedback to see how their tools can be better broadcasted to a much wider audience to make sure that that number gets as high to 100% as it possibly can be. The parental controls are easy to set up upon setting up of a console. There's things that automatically put it in where when you sign up, you can put in pins, You can put in certain controls. If you set up a kid account, it will push you to set up controls around that to see if you want to. I do not think that there is an issue with parental awareness of these parental controls. Rep. Garcia, you're good. Rep. Slough. Thank you, Mr. Chair. With regards to location data and things like that, I know we've had a bunch of questions about that. and I was not in line when that line of question was being asked, but are there any – when you talk or when you bring VPNs into this space, what's the concerns about being able to track, being able to charge fees? If people are using VPNs, is that still something that they can see through, charge the fees? not and it's for whoever can or wants to answer that question. Whoever would like to take that. Through you, Chair, to the Representative. I am not sure, to be quite honest, about the use of VPNs for it. I know that's something that other industries struggle with and things of that sort. I would have to ask our members specifically to any issues they encounter with VPNs, any problems they encounter with VPNs. But it comes back to the fact of if you're a company that is not actively taking location data now you will have to take location data and how is that data If a VPN is being bounced through Colorado as far as the company is concerned that is a Colorado resident if that how they going to do it So I would have to get more information for you but I hope that that helps at least address some of your question. Rob Slough. I think it mostly does. And I'm trying to think through this as a parent of four kids, right, that probably doesn't want to pay extra fees and whose kids don't want to pay extra fees and things like that. and just the practical application of it and if it is something that is going to be escaped by X percentage of people anyway. We say, hey, you have to do this, and then all of the people who have more time to be more tech savvy than me and already have VPNs set up and established that say they're in Kentucky or pick your state, is it just going to be another thing? That's kind of my question. I guess you kind of answered it. If there's anything more to add to that, because I just see that as a possibility that there won't be the teeth in the requirement there because of those other things. I don't know if that – yeah, so is there anything more to that questioning that you could answer or not? Mr. O'Connor. through you, Chair, to the Representative. Again, I don't have the specifics. Those are obviously concerns that have been raised by our member companies as to how they would go ahead and administer and collect this fee. I'd be happy to try to get some more information and follow up with you, but I do not know the specifics then of that. So apologies. I don't know if, yeah. Okay, we got to move on to more witnesses. We have two more bills and many more witnesses this evening. So thank you. Thank you for your time and for your testimony. Okay. Stuart Jenkins, Don Reinfeld, Kaori Kaiser, Jonas Salehai, Emily Harvey, and Elizabeth Newman. Do we have Stuart Jenkins? Okay. Let's start in the room with Don Reinfeld. You have three minutes to state in the organization you represent. You may begin. I just made it racing down from Boulder. So thank you. Thank you, Chair Mabry and the rest of the committee for the opportunity to address you today. My name is Dawn Reinfeld, and I'm the executive director of Blue Rising, and I'm here in support of HB 26-1148. We believe that HB 1148 is a strong first step in addressing the way the gaming platforms have been created to addict young children and to profit from their time on the platform. There are several elements that are in this bill that we believe create a solid foundation for future efforts to regulate the Wild West of the digital world and how it impacts kids. We appreciate this bill that this bill includes a duty of care strong default privacy setting requirements prohibits design or data processing practices that lead to compulsive use the addition of age assurance in this bill is vital for the proposed safety. to actually be applied to children. When legislation uses age attestation or lacks age assurance or age verification, those safeguards are often rendered meaningless. And just to refer back to some of the comments earlier, age verification does not, in our experience, require facial scans in all cases. It doesn't have to. The bill also prohibits the use algorithmic recommendations system and to sell or distribute illicit substances to minors. This is of course necessary given how reckless some of the platforms are, but we would like to see criminal penalties here for targeting kids with recommendations to buy drugs illegally. For all these reasons, we ask a yes vote on HB 1148. Okay. Now we'll hear from Kaori Kaiser. You'll have three minutes to any organization you represent, you may begin. Thank you. Good evening, chair and committee members. My name is Kaori Kaiser. I have been a social media user since about 2009, and I was a late adopter among my peers. Prior to that, I was using online gaming platforms, including things like Toontown, Club Penguin, and PopTropica. Every time I logged in to these platforms, I was presented with fun new features and cute digital outfits that I would beg my parents to purchase for me. And in the mid to late 2000s, the use of algorithms to individualize what's presented to us was not widely adopted. As a kid, I put everything on the internet aside from information about where I lived because I was told in school that that would lead to someone breaking into my house. And that was because at the time, internet safety was all about other users. Now the platforms themselves are able to not only enable predatory behavior, but to be predatory on their own through algorithms that target people's interests and through constant notifications. As an adult that's more aware of these algorithms, I'm a lot more cautious about what information I provide to these platforms. And still, the algorithms suck me into hours of scrolling sometimes. Committee members, I'm not sure how many of you have kids, but for those of you that do, these platforms often know your kids better than you do, and that should scare you. The information that these platforms use and collect are shaping who these kids grow up to be. My sister, only five years younger than me, was targeted and influenced to pay $400 in one month on microtransactions, which for a family where I grew up on Medicaid put us in extreme financial strain. the fact that the opponents to this bill either failed to acknowledge or failed to understand that there are nine proposed criteria for a clinical diagnosis of internet gaming disorder in the current edition of the DSM-5 and that the diagnostic features section of the disorder references formal recognition of internet gaming disorder in China and other Asian countries should demonstrate to the committee members that they are not a credible authority on what keeps Colorado children safe It is vitally important for protecting children and families and the future of our state that we pass this bill And I ask for your yes vote. Thank you. Thank you. Okay, I will note that Megan McKillop has joined us for Stuart Jenkins. We'll now hear from Jonas Sailhai. You'll have three minutes. State and the organization you represent. You may begin. Good afternoon, chair and committee members. My name is Jonah. I'm speaking for myself today in support of this bill. I'd first just like to mention as a longtime gamer myself, the ESRB is notoriously bad and especially does not make sense when applied to social games. It's actually commonly used as a joke among people who are younger actually play games and are aware that it has nothing to do with safety. Many games have what are called social hubs, which are places that I, as a child, spent a great deal of time sitting and chatting with random strangers, some of which exposed me to some very vulgar concepts and topics, even though the game was rated T14. It's almost like you can't regulate games that involve social interactions with real people the same way that you would regulate a movie that runs off of a fixed script. I think that as a piece of media so reliant on social interactions, it should be regulated as a social media. As for microtransactions, we live in a game where gambling addiction and related suicide is reaching a point of crisis due to extraordinary levels of accessibility on sports betting apps. I fear how much worse that can become given how gaming platforms are presently designed in such a way to start addicts young. Microtransactions are gambling designed specifically to appeal to children. If you play some of these online games, you will see, in many cases, an interface that is literally a slot machine producing little collectible cartoon characters with varying levels of rarity. If you can understand how the addictive design of gambling can cause an adult to spend their money far beyond their means, it should be easy to realize that a child will often lack the judgment to stop pushing the button that might result in an ultra-rare tra-la-lero tra-la-la. It's an even easier habit to form when the currency used is abstracted beyond dollar amounts to some made-up currency like coins or gems. We need to take seriously what behaviors and impulses microtransactions promote in children long term. I have seen my childhood friends who moved on from gambling on these app games to gambling on sports and how much they've lost from it. While I think we should go further to stop these companies from preying on children, I'm happy to see regulation on this issue and thank the sponsors for bringing this bill forward. Thank you. Okay, now we'll hear from Megan McKillop. You'll have three minutes to stay in the organization you represent. You may begin. Thank you, Mr. Chair. My name is Megan McKillop. I'm the contract lobbyist for the Boys and Girls Clubs in Colorado. The Boys and Girls Clubs serve more than 70,000 youth across our state. We are hearing to express our strong support for House Bill 261148. And apologies, our Executive Director, Stuart Jenkins, could not be with us today. At Boys and Girls Clubs we see every day how young people are navigating social media These platforms can foster connection and creativity but without the right safeguards they also expose youth to real risks to their safety privacy and mental health Our perspective is grounded in what we hear directly from young people. Last year, we hosted a youth town hall with club members and legislators focused on social media. Youth were clear. They want to build healthy relationships online, but they do not feel adequately protected. They share concerns about harmful content, unwanted contact, and a lack of accountability from platforms. House Bill 1148 takes important common sense steps to address these concerns by strengthening privacy protections, limiting harmful interactions, and requiring greater responsibility from social media companies. We also want to express our appreciation to Representative Zokai and Representative Wilford for supporting an amendment to dedicate revenue from certain online gaming transaction fees to Colorado's out-of-school time grant program. This is a smart and meaningful connection. As we work to reduce harms in online spaces, we must also invest in the real-world environments that help young people thrive. After-school and summer programs provide safe spaces, supportive relationships, and opportunities for youth to build healthy connections. These programs are essential to student engagement and success, yet they remain underfunded and are currently facing potential cuts. This approach helps align new revenue with proven solutions for kids and families. On behalf of Boys and Girls Clubs in Colorado and Stuart Jenkins, I respectfully urge you to vote yes on House Bill 1148. Thank you for your time. Thank you. Turning online, we'll hear from Emily Harvey. You will have three minutes. State in the organization you represent. You may begin. Mr. Chair and members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to speak today. Thank you to representatives Zokai Milford and Senators Weissman and Roberts for bringing this important legislation forward. My name is Emily Harvey. I'm co-legal director at Disability Law Colorado. Disability Law Colorado is a nonprofit disability rights organization authorized by federal law to combat discrimination, abuse, and neglect. We want to make Colorado the best place in America for people with all types of disabilities to live and thrive. I'm here today to testify in support of Hospital 26 1148. Studies have shown that social media use is linked to anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, and sleep disruption. Young people are particularly susceptible to these negative impacts as their brains are still developing. For youth with disabilities, these harms can be amplified. I've practiced disability rights law for nearly 12 years, including in special education and youth mental health. What I can tell you is that we are in a youth mental health crisis and youth with disabilities are disproportionately impacted. More children are identified as having mental health disabilities every year, placing increasing strain on systems like Medicaid, schools, and community-based services. At the same time, these youth often face barriers to appropriate supports and services, making prevention and early intervention even more critical. From a disability rights perspective, House Bill 261148 represents an important step toward creating safer online environments. Guardrails around privacy, design, practices, and data use are not just consumer protections, they are disability protections. They help ensure that youth with disabilities are not disproportionately targeted, harmed, or left without recourse in digital spaces that are now central to daily life. We must do all we can to support youth mental health in Colorado. That includes implementing the thoughtful guardrails in House Bill 26-1148 to reduce harm before it escalates into further crisis. For these reasons, I urge you to support House Bill 26-1148. Thank you again for the opportunity to testify. Thank you We now hear from Elizabeth Newman You have three minutes State in the organization you represent You may begin Thank you and good afternoon Mr Chair and members of the committee I Elizabeth Newman here in support of House Bill 1148 on behalf of the Colorado Coalition Against Sexual Assault CECASA is a leading voice in the state's anti-sexual violence movement, along with our 100 plus members working to promote healing and prevent harm. While technology has brought us convenience and connection at the tip of our fingers, it has also given rise to serious harm, including sexual violence, stalking, sextortion, and image-based sexual abuse. One perpetrator can reach many more victims much more quickly through technology and cause devastating impacts, including depression, anxiety, self-harm, and suicidality. Because the harm that happens through social media and other platforms that allow users to communicate does not stay online. It causes pain to their victims, families, and our communities. And this harm is unfortunately not rare. An estimated 92% of children age 5 to 15 go online, and 70% of families have a child who plays online video games. This puts children in direct connection with peers as well as adults, many of whom will pose as friends and other kids to disconnect them from their parents and real-life friends, gain their trust, and slowly begin exploiting them through inappropriate messages, webcam chats, or sending pornographic content, and eventually extorting child sexual abuse materials through threats or even offers of gift cards or monetary awards in the game. Some even make plans to meet in person. A recent study estimates 21% of U.S. teens have been the target of sextortion, up from just 5% a decade ago. The majority of these cases are never reported. Children may not realize what is happening. They may be embarrassed or ashamed, or they may not think that there's anything that can be done. This causes overwhelming trauma for kids, many of whom are boys, which can compound that shame and humiliation and lead to high rates of suicide and severe emotional distress. A 2024 survey found that half of 215 male financial sextortion victims experienced suicidal ideation. Half. Unfortunately, too many times the victims are told that there's nothing that can be done, that these cases are too hard to investigate or that they can't get the information from these companies, and this leaves others to be harmed and victims without justice. This has been a known problem for at least a decade, and while While there may be earnest attempts to police themselves, it's clearly failed as the rates of harm continue to rise. We cannot continue to allow online gaming companies to ignore their very real role in facilitating harm. We urge you to support House Bill 1148. Thank you for your time and I'm happy to answer any questions. Okay, do we have any questions for our panel of witnesses? No questions? Okay. Seeing none, thank you for being here. Thank you for your time and for your testimony. Okay. Okay. Michael May, Ben DiNardo, Calvin Satterfield, Caleb Cunningham, and Megan Elazer and is there anyone else in the room who wishes to testify on House Bill 1148? Okay. And then, Rep Soper, once we get that witness on the Zoom, we'll just have the tech add them to this panel. Okay, and if there's anyone else online who wants to testify on this, but we can promote them to this panel, too. Let's start with Michael May. you'll have three minutes. State in the organization you represent, you may begin. Good afternoon. Can you all hear me? Yes, we can. All right. My name is Michael May. I'm a resident of Fort Collins, a longtime gamer and a graduate student at CSU. I'm here to represent myself primarily, and I'd like to say thank you all for allowing me the opportunity to testify today. I'm here to urge the committee respectfully to vote yes on advancing this bill to the house floor. I think this bill is a great first step towards regulating these increasingly chaotic and dangerous social hubs. This sounds pretty embarrassing looking back, but I started playing Roblox when I was 10 to 11 and have played the game on and off since. I find it an incredible outlet of creativity that so many people have spent hundreds of hours to create small games within a larger platform. And despite this nostalgic wonder, it has been obvious that throughout the years, this and other platforms have been increasingly less safe for miners. We've all heard the viral narratives of groomed children initially meeting these groomers through social hubs like Roblox. I'd like to talk about the changes that have generally made the culture of Roblox unsafe for minors. For example, a small thing like a user's character avatar where any user can upload a costume. Any other user can purchase this costume through a rather in-depth shop within the in-game currencies of Roblox. and generally through a quick moderation process, these things show up and can be bought by any user. However, these avatars range from the obscene racist caricatures, radical political statements to the overtly sexual naked characters, lewd animations, and more. These are all things that outside the chat restrictions that Roblox has put in place still affect the culture of Roblox. So those recent changes that they put in place in 2026 will not actually do enough to seriously protect children on this area, on this platform. These are all, excuse me, many of these things became issues as Roblox was looking to expand their profitability. Meaning at the one point, this game had a far more child friendly design. No differing avatars. Everyone had basically the same models. and with common sense legislation that implements a duty of care, these child-friendly designs can be preserved so the spaces where children like me 10 years ago can hang out and play games with their friends. I also wanted to say that a 5% fee on microtransactions to be put towards community spaces for children is a great idea. Microtransactions has always been a way to keep kids, teens, and adults addicted to the same simple dopamine loops in the same way the gambling platforms do. As someone who has fallen into these loops quite often in my teenage years, anything that this state can do to regulate these activities would be much appreciated. I'll end by restating that this committee should pass this bill onto the House to protect kids, put more money into alternate activities, and regulate addictive algorithms that affect all of us gamers. Thank you very much Thank you Okay we now hear from Ben Donato You will have three minutes State any organization you represent and you may begin Thank you very much Thank you Okay we now hear from Ben DiNardo You will have three minutes Stay in the organization you represent You may begin Thank you Members of the committee, thank you for your time today. My name is Ben DiNardo, and I'm here representing myself. I'm here in support of House Bill 261148, and I want to thank the sponsors of the bill for bringing it, because online gaming is a space where it's far too easy for companies to take advantage of consumers, particularly when those consumers are children. Online social games can be fun and enjoyable places for people of all ages to experience. However, these spaces have been warped by the companies that run them in an ever-expanding attempt to extract as much money from the player as possible. These companies do this by engaging in very addictive marketing and reward pathways where players are incentivized to pay real money for an in-game advantage and or spend an unhealthy amount of time on the platform to gain rewards. While this is a problem for players of all ages, children are particularly vulnerable to internalizing such practices and hardwiring their brains to be responsive to such addictive loops. This mental training can last a lifetime and predispose individuals towards gambling and other addictive behaviors, such as drugs and alcohol, as their brains try to reclaim the high they found in games they played as children. And while I agree that video games don't lead to violence, they can lead to addictive and excessive thought patterns. This bill does several important things to address these issues. Importantly, it ensures that companies that run games played by children will have an affirmative duty of care. This is critically relevant because without such a duty of care, companies can knowingly try to amplify these addictive and harmful practices they engage in because they are profitable, while disregarding the safety of the users of their platforms. With a duty of care, companies can no longer ignore the safety of minors for profit and must take steps to ensure kids are safe. In addition, this bill will force companies to list their prices in the USD equivalents rather than the company's own premium currency. Companies do this because by not listing their prices in USD, it's very easy for consumers, including children, to spend more money than intended. And this is by design because by pricing items this way, the company will make a larger profit. I like video games, including socially online video games, and I think they can be appropriate for children if companies put the safety of children above their own corporate profits. We just need to ensure that companies have a burden of care to protect the children on their platforms. I want to thank the committee again for their time and implore you respectfully to vote in favor of House Bill 261148. Thank you. Do we have questions for this panel? Oh, sorry. John Caldera. State your name, who you represent, and you'll have three minutes. Thank you for your time, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I'm John Caldera. I'm the president of Independence Institute. I'm here to talk about a clarification that is obviously missing from this. I taken a quick look at the fiscal note for House Bill 1148 which comes in at close to million a year But I don see anything in this bill or anything on this fiscal note requiring a vote of the people one as required under the Taxpayer Bill of Rights which I believe this does, but certainly under Prop 117, which says that anything that brings in $100 million worth of new fees requires a vote of the people. I've got some strong objections to the chilling aspect of this bill on free speech, on ability of people to express themselves. And I also wonder about the parental role of keeping kids working properly with video games. I always wonder about when government wants to become the nanny and parent of children that are not theirs. But quite simply, the main problem here is this is a direct violation of Prop 117, and this change requires a vote of the people. I do not see anything in this bill that makes that clear, nor do I see something that should be in the fiscal note to make that clear. It's that type of lack of transparency that I think is causing some serious issues with trust with our government. And with that, I'll give you back my time. Thank you. Thank you, sir. Is there Megan Easler? Hi, yes. Three minutes. State your name and who you represent. Hi, yes. My name is Megan Eliezer. I am a Colorado resident here representing myself today. I am a millennial and I grew up as the Internet came into existence. Gaming back then was still attention grabbing and still entertaining, but it was not filled with the same things that we are seeing in games today with addictive gambling like loot boxes and different incentives that cost money with microtransactions. I do think that this is a good bill for us to put forward as a step in the right direction to protecting our private data from these companies and especially for children. There are even some of the different things in the bill that I would like to see also protect adult data in these gaming platforms. But I am very happy that we are going to protect our children here in Colorado with this bill. I do think that, you know, parental control is important. But I do echo the concerns of the chair when he mentioned data privacy for adults as well. So I would love to see that dialogue continue because I do think that it is important to not infringe upon the freedoms and privacy of adults while also protecting our kids. So I will say that some of the privacy info in there would be good for adults. And I do think that games nowadays are much different than the games were back when I was much younger. Some of you may be looking for an opportunity to protect the profits of these multimillion dollar tech companies and gaming industries. But I hope that you trade that for an opportunity to protect the safety of our kids as they engage on an anonymous platform that could open the door to many areas of concern. So thank you so much, and I urge your support for this bill. Okay, committee members, are there any questions for this panel of witnesses? Rep Sober. Thank you, Mr. Chair. My question is for Mr. Caldera. I have a two-part question for you. First part, as the bill is written,
do you see this inviting legal challenge based on a violation of Prop 117? And then the second part of the question would be the fact that the fee revenue that's collected goes into the public school fund.
Hang on one sec, Rep. Sobrior. It just came to my attention. We did promote another witness who didn't get a chance to speak. So we'll... Hold for a moment, Mr. Caldera. We're going to hear from one more witness, and then we'll get back to questioning. Caleb Cunningham, you will have three minutes. State any organization you represent. You may begin.
Hi, I'm Caleb Cunningham. I'm not representing anyone but myself. I'm a professional software engineer as my day job, and I've been playing video games since, honestly, before I can't remember. I am 24 and I've been playing in these online platforms since I was 10, often on Minecraft servers when I was younger. They did end up having some of these microtransactions while I was still a miner and continuing to my current favorite game is League of Legends as honestly chock full of the microtransactions. I am urging in support of this bill. I think that we need to do more to protect how miners' data is treated in a country where how we handle data is already inappropriate. I would also like to urge additions to the bill to make things easier for software companies, as I'm someone who's worked with data compliance specifically. things like allowing tech companies explicitly to tag accounts as miners so that they can just churn all data related to a minor account and I had one other thing but it seems that it's lost me by now I'm happy to answer any questions again I've been working with data compliance with CCPA and GDPR from Europe so I'd be happy to answer any questions if you have any
All right. Committee members, questions. Rep Sober, if you want to pick up where you left off.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I'll continue where I left off. My question is for Mr. Caldera. I have a two-part question. First part, as the bill is drafted, would this invite legislation as a violation of Prop 117 that was passed by the people? And then second part, as the bill is written, the fee revenue, the 5% that's collected from the in-game purchases, goes to the Colorado Public School Fund, which, to my understanding, is not considered an enterprise and would basically be dumping fee revenue into the general fund, possibly in violation of TABOR. And wondered what your thoughts would be there.
Mr. Caldera.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Representative, there is no doubt that should this bill become a law, it will guarantee a lawsuit. I would direct your attention to the recent lawsuit of Metro PCS out of California versus the city of Lakewood, where the Colorado Supreme Court ruled very clearly that the fee that they added was could not just be easily transferred, they needed a vote of the people. And the Colorado Supreme Court made it very clear that something like this, a fee, needs to be put to a vote of the people. Beyond that, as a TABOR violation, this is obviously going to a general fund budget area. It's a TABOR violation. But it's also, if it's a fee, Prop 117, which makes it very clear, Anything that brings in $100 million within five years needs a vote of the people. I don't see that in this bill. I don't see this in the fiscal note. I know you're arguing the heady issues of whether you want to chase out more tech businesses from Colorado and add more compliance costs, which is worth debating. It's beyond what I want to talk about. Your question of is this a tax or is this a fee, well, this is not going to an enterprise zone as far as I can see. This goes into the general fund even though it is directed to one aspect of it. Quite simply, if this becomes law, there will be a lawsuit over it, and if the most recent Supreme Court decision is an indication, the state will have to remedy this, and it will be very expensive for the state and counterproductive to your stated goals.
Rep. Sober.
Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Kaldar.
Amy Albekin. Thank you. My question was also for Mr. Kaldar in regards to your organization's position on data privacy and if you believe that data should be collected and if not sold to others or that data and children should be exposed so that they can be targeted. I'm wondering if you have any concerns or issues with other aspects of this bill around the data privacy components.
Mr. Kallar.
Thank you. That's a wonderful question. Of course, we have concerns about data privacy. Mostly we have concerns about data privacy when it comes to government organizations. When it comes to private organizations, if there is consent given by users, adult users, then by all means that can happen. I don't know how effective it is to try to deal with data privacy on a catch-as-catch-can basis. We're going to go after this company or industry that does video games. Well, then what about the other ones and what about the other ones and what about Target, who keeps eyes on everything you buy? What about all the other data collecting services that keep an eye on every every purchase you make with your MasterCard and Visa? I believe and I think most of us believe that privacy is for people. Transparency is for government. And the best protection for children is not government oversight. It's active parents.
Okay. Further questions? Okay. Seeing none. Thank you for your time and for your testimony. Is there anyone else in the room or online that wishes to testify on House Bill 1148? Okay So you know when the witness testimony phase is closed No sponsors It's okay.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, committee, for a thoughtful discussion today. I hope that we all maybe learn something and that this generation does treat online gaming as social media and that there's a lot of great risks that come from that, both in sexual exploitation, but as well as increases to anxiety, depression, and reduced academic performance. I think that this bill is a really important step for us to take, but I am also hearing some lingering questions. And so with that, Mr. Chair, I would like to ask to lay this bill over.
Okay. We will lay this bill over for action only at a later date. All right. Now we're going to hear House Bill 1256. I'm going to hand the gavel to Vice Chair Carter. Thank you. Thank you. At this time, we'll hear 26-12-56 whenever you are ready. Representative Jackson.
Thank you, Mr. Chair, and good afternoon. Committee, I'm proud to present House Bill 1256 today, and I want to begin by thanking my co-prime sponsor, Rep. Mabry, for his partnership on this bill. and his shared commitment to improving reentry outcomes in Colorado. I also want to recognize the many coalition partners and stakeholders who helped shape this legislation, including CEO as well as DOC. This bill is the result of a thoughtful, collaborative process grounded in real-world experience, bringing together those who are directly responsible for implementation and those who are working every day to support individuals transitioning back into our communities. At its core this bill is about something very simple whether we are truly setting people up to succeed when they leave incarceration or whether we are setting them up to fail We know that the first 72 hours after release are critical and yet too often individuals are leaving custody without the most basic tools they need to stabilize their lives, without valid identification, without financial resources or transportation, And then we expect them to find a job, secure housing, access services, and successfully reintegrate. The reality is, if we're not properly equipping people for reentry, we're really expecting something for nothing. And that's just not realistic and it's ineffective. This bill takes a practical, common-sense approach to this challenge by ensuring that individuals leave custody with basic support, with identification in hand, and with a clearer path towards stability from day one. And I would urge a yes vote.
Chair Mabry.
Thank you, Vice Chair Carter. So what we're trying to do here is to close the gap between what Colorado law has promised since 1972 and what people actually receive. Let's talk about gate money. So Colorado has required a hundred dollar release allowance since 1972. That's real. Since 1972, more than 50 years ago, this is what we have promised people who are being released from incarceration. In that time, that amount has lost over 85% of its value just to inflation. We've never updated the amount. But the problem isn't just the amount. More than half the people who are leaving our correctional facilities return home without any cash at all because the current system allows for deductions for restitution fees, closing, and transportation that eat into that $100 before it ever reaches the person being released. One survey respondent when talking about this program put it plainly. He said, they told me I'd get $100. I left with $40 and a bus ride that didn't even get me through the first day. This bill guarantees the full $100 reaches every person before being released, free of deductions. It also requires a transit pass for individuals released in metropolitan areas with fixed route public transit so they can actually get where they need to go. This is how we address recidivism in our communities. Now, the department – I also really want to thank my co-prime sponsor for all of her amazing work on this. She has done a great job dealing with the fiscal issues in this bill, talking with the JBC. You will note that on the fiscal note, it says this bill does not require an appropriation. Now, there are amounts listed in the fiscal note, but those are amounts that are already allocated to this program in the DOC budget. And I will also shout out DOC for working with us on this policy as well. So the Department of Corrections asked for initially a reduction of The department argued that that line had been underspent and that true but we need to consider why that was being underspent The data shows that over the past five years, fewer individuals received gate money than qualified for gate money, but the money was allocated for this. And Rep. Jackson, again, did a good job, and all of our advocates did a good job of working with the JBC and DOC to address that issue in the budget. With more than half the people leaving without the funds they're legally owed, of course that line item looked underspent. So we also want to address identification in this bill. Nearly one in four people who leave DOC custody do so without a valid ID. without a valid ID, you can't get a job, sign a lease, access healthcare, apply for benefits. And we already have an identification program for our incarcerated neighbors on the books, but it has gaps. We're looking to close those gaps and make participation in the ID program the default. Finally, this bill requires some transparency reporting to us so that we can see what's going on with the gate money and participation in the ID program. Research on this is unambiguous. The first 72 hours after release are critical for successful reentry and for public safety. This is a public safety bill. Let's keep the promises Colorado already makes to people who are leaving incarceration, and we urge you guys about it.
We do have an amendment that we worked on through collaboration with DOC that has some technical changes in cleanup. Did you want to speak to the amendment or did you want to wait?
Representative Jackson. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Basically what the amendment does, it clarifies language throughout the bill to make it more consistent and easier to operationalize, including replacing outdated terminology with clearer references to release. Second, it strengthens accountability by requiring regular reporting to judiciary, including data on release outcomes, access to identification, and barriers within the system. This ensures that we're not only implementing this policy, but also tracking its effectiveness and making improvements over time. Third, it improves the identification process by creating a more proactive system. The department will engage individuals earlier, 180 days prior to release, to confirm participation, while also allowing individuals the opportunity to opt back in. This helps ensure that fewer people fall through the cracks and leave custody without the identification they need to access employment, housing, and services. And finally, the amendment streamlines provisions in the bill to align with what we know works in practice, making implementation more efficient and more effective.
Members, any questions for the sponsors? Representative Espinosa.
Mr. Chair, I'd just like on your amendment, line 7 through 11, we're striking what's in there and just striking 1A then? Will that just be stricken since most of that? What is being stricken in 7 to 11 seems like it's existing law, so we're just taking that out of the existing law? Is that what we're doing? And not replacing it with anything because we're striking what was in there as well.
Chair Mabry. We're striking the changes that were made in the bill and then replacing the changes that were made in the bill instead with this language.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Except it looks like we're striking 1A, which was, because it's all in lowercase, the original bill's language. I'm just trying to get clarification if we are substituting it with anything. Chair Mabry.
I'll ask our drafter that question I'll answer it during closing It's my understanding that the striking means that Just the changes we've made to 1A Are not being made And not that we're striking that from the Red Books But I'll confirm with our drafter
Representative Kelty
Thank you Mr. Chair I have a question so this is for someone coming out of a correctional facility what if they're a repeat a repeat offender they're in and out multiple times of the correctional facility wherever they've gone to do they continue to get this each and every time they're released? Thank you
Rep Kelty first, Rep Espinosa, we are deleting the old language from law, and that was from feedback we got from DOC because they don't use that old language anymore. And to Rep Kelty's point, yes, every single time somebody's eligible for release, we want to set them up for success. If somebody doesn't have a family member to stay with, if somebody doesn't have somebody to give them a ride. We want people who are released to be able to get something to eat and be able to not sleep on the streets the first night that they're out.
Representatives Jackson.
Yeah, and the only thing I'll add to that is right now, gate money is $100, and it has not changed since 1972. Let me go ahead and say it again, 1972. And if we adjust for inflation today, that would be around $800 that people should be getting. And so we can all go to King Soopers and buy two things and it almost be a hundred dollars. And so we are grateful that we have the opportunity today to not increase the a hundred dollars, but actually expand access to it. We're glad that we're able to expand access, but we would love to be able to increase that amount. So we're grateful for the
expansion of eligibility. Representative Kelty.
Representative Garcia.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I have a question about the ID stuff. I'm trying to get the timing understood better. So in the bill you are adding a provision that says that if somebody decides to opt out of the Colorado identification program you have to come back and ask them six months before release then three months before release I guess my question is, at what point are the people who are incarcerated asked, do you want to participate or not? Representative Jackson.
Well, thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Rep. Garcia. And it used to be an opt-in. And so we were able to change it to it being an opt out so we can make sure that we are connecting with everyone so that they can have the opportunity to get an ID if they so choose. Like no one is, we won't, no one will be forced to get an ID. And so I believe that, and DOC would be, they can answer this better around the exact time when they're asked, you know, when they're told about the ID program. but I would believe it would be probably during their intake at the actual facility, not necessarily at DRDC, but at the facility with their case manager whenever they're transferred, wherever they end up going.
Chair Mabry.
Thank you, Vice Chair Carter. Thanks, Rep Garcia, for the question. I'll also point you to lines 6 through 11 on page 2 of L1, which just clarifies the department will ask the defender 180 days before the release to confirm that they do not want to participate and so 180 days before release there's a check-in
so i did see that but then i also saw um in your bill that you also have um a section here that says if they are getting like if they haven't opted out then the department does have to support them in getting any other documentation necessary to get their IDs, but that doesn't have to happen until 128 days, so it's still the same timeframe. So I guess I'm just curious if there needs to be maybe an adjustment for more lead time. So let's say if the first moment that somebody is like, no, I don't want this, and then three months later you come back and you say, are you sure you don't want this? And they say, actually, I do want this, then the department will already be in violation of the second provision that says you have to help them within six months of release to get their paperwork ready.
Chairman, everybody.
Thank you, Vice Chair Carter. I would ask witnesses from DOC about this because the changes that we made was working through this language with them about, like, how it would be feasible in practice for them to do the 180-day check and also have an opt-back-in option, like you're talking about. And so we've had these conversations through stakeholdering. I don't know firsthand enough about, like, how it goes. And so I would ask if we have witnesses from them.
Representative Garcia? Yeah, I will follow up with him.
Representative Espinoza?
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I did just have one other question, just because it seemed strange to me. On page 5 in subsection large Roman numeral 2 and 5, it said, it seems to me, shouldn't, like especially 2, shouldn't the answer always be 100%? I just if their DOJ if DOC is actually following the law shouldn the answer to both of those questions be 100 Chair Mayberry I mean I would argue that it should be now right but this is part of why this is sort of
belt in suspenders here. Representative Espinosa, Representative Slaw, did you, any further questions for the sponsors?
I had one question. Does the, when they're actually having to pay or when the money's taken off their books, does that include any co-pays that they are owed or that they still owe? Or is it when they're actually receiving that $100, does that pay out? Is that minus any co-pays? Representative Jackson.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. And what this bill does is it prevents deductions from that $100 gate money. So any co-pays that are to be owed would have to come from somewhere else because this prevents deductions. Thank you.
Next, we will call witnesses. I will call – I'll just call them in order. Kenneth Spindon? Antonio Aguilar? Alana Jones, and John DePeace. Go ahead and make yourself comfortable, sir. If you can state your name, who you represent, and you will have three minutes.
Mr. Chair, committee members, thank you. Mr. Chair, committee members, thank you for the opportunity to testify on HB 26-1256. I'm here representing myself. My name is Kenneth Spindon, and I live in Denver. I was released in June of last year after doing 13 years in prison. Coming home, I had transitional housing at Hope Homes, and without the help and support I got from them, I truly believe I would be back in prison right now. On the day of my release, I was given my state ID and my social security card, but I did not get the $100 in gate money, nor the $1,000 that I had saved while working in prison, so I had nothing. I was lucky that one of my housemates took me to the dollar store and bought me food, toothpaste, and other basics that I needed to survive. He also gave me a few bus passes so that I could get around. Without his help, I would have been lost. After checking in with my parole officer, I went to the Department of Human Services to apply for food stamps and old age pension. And in the prison reentry program, I was advised to wait to apply for my Social Security card until I got out. I'm glad I didn't, because to apply for those two programs, I needed two forms of ID. And then getting a Social Security appointment usually takes six weeks or even longer. Parole reentry was helpful with clothes, food, hygiene, and bus passes, as well as connecting me with community resources, but they no longer provide phones for anyone, and trying to get things done without a phone nowadays is almost impossible. Finally, after about three and a half weeks and multiple emails from parole, my in gate money and my savings from inside the prison were sent to me but it was in a check and luckily I had the two forms of identification or I wouldn have been able to cash it Because no matter what they tell you your prison ID cannot be used as a form of identification With that money, I was able to get a phone, and that made things a lot easier. finding long-term employment has been difficult but I've been working with the Center for Employment Opportunities and applying for jobs through them and I'm also on track to become a peer coach for Hope Homes where I hope to help people successfully transmission back into life after prison I know from my own experience that having your vital documents and some money when coming home is extremely important to make it through those first few days and weeks of starting to rebuild your life, and it can be the difference between success and failure. So I ask that you vote in support of HB 26-1256. Thank you.
Thank you. Mr. Aguilar, state your name, who you represent, and you will also have three minutes.
My name is Antonio Aguilar. I represent myself. Good afternoon. I'm a Denver resident. I was released after 22 years of incarceration, and since then I am seeing firsthand what the other inmates have told me during our one-on-one sessions, for I was a mental health peer assistant and a facility mentor. I realized how vital and important being day one ready is upon anyone's release. Personally, I purchased my birth certificate and received my Social Security card, as well as participated in the DMV to go so that my ID will be in the DOC's ID bank. This DMV to go is done months prior to release. Unlike parolees, I weighed my parole to go to a halfway house so I can get on my feet, But even then, I didn't receive my ID that was sitting in this ID bank until 15 days after my release. Then about 10 days later, my birth certificate and Social Security card followed. Even being prepared, this time frame is ridiculous. Now imagine if I had to order all of this after my release. Now being a DOC client in the community corrections, you're not entitled to the gate money until you're paroled. Which makes no sense because I'm still in the same situation as a parolee. Not only that, when I complete the program and get paroled, I will have already established myself, which entails the saving of money, paying off restitution, and having a full-time job. The gate money will help anyone just getting out more than it would for anyone who is established, because when we get out with nothing, we're in need of everything. I ask you to think about this scenario and put yourselves in it. If you were dropped off in the city with no money, no ID, and no support, what would you do? Where would you go? What we're asking for aren't wants, they're needs. You cannot survive without your documents, no matter which class of society you come from. If a person with a leg up in life will struggle in this scenario, how much worse is it for someone fresh out of prison? Their mental mind frame is already being stretched with just being released. Now add in these major life-changing obstacles. I believe the best approach we can have to reentry is to be day one ready upon release. That takes away a lot of stress, negative thinking, and fears. For now, you can rent a room, go to a labor ready, and start to earn money your second day out, which helps to feed you and shelter you and set you up for success. Without this, now you're struggling with the choices of stealing food to eat, stealing a bike or car for transportation, or stealing just to make money to make more illegal money. We're not asking you to create a whole new foundation. This foundation is already there. We just need you to pass this bill that will hold DOC accountable and create a smoother transition for men and women to receive their vital documentation. This all can be done because DOC closes your inmate bank account 7 to 10. working days before you're released. That's enough time to receive your documents from their ID bank to any facility in Colorado since they do transfers every day, all day, and even on weekends. I want to thank yous and hope you take this bill into consideration and pass it to help those in need in the near future. Right now, only yous can help to make sure nobody coming home from prison faces this unfortunate situation. Oh, if you guys have any questions, please ask.
Thank you, sir. Thank you, sir. We will wait until we finish with the witness testimony, and then we will ask you guys questions. You state your name, who you represent. You'll have three minutes.
Yes, good afternoon. My name is Alana Jones, and I'm representing myself. First of all, I want to thank you, chairperson and committee members, for considering this bill. I'm a resident in Denver, and I was released from prison on August 7th of last year. Two years prior, I ordered my Social Security card, and it was informed it would go to the ID bank in Colorado Springs. Four or five months before my release, my case manager told me there was nothing in my file at the ID bank, so she ordered me a Social Security card. One week before my release, my case manager said nothing was in my file at the ID bank. I was shocked and scared. Upon release, I had nothing to my name except the $100 gate money and no ID except the useless DOC ID card, which no one accepts. I was released from Sterling and took the bus all the way to Denver, filled with anxiety and uncertainty. I suffer from complex PTSD. It was traumatic and extremely disorienting enough to be sent into the community, but not having any form of identification made it worse. I was scared wondering how I was going to make it. I was unable to get work knowing I had no ID, but I looked anyway and made use of that time building my resume and making contacts. Fortunately, my family came to the rescue and within one month or two, I had my driver's license and my social security card, which are two critical forms of ID necessary for obtaining work. However, some are not as fortunate. I've heard horror stories about their struggles getting IDs. HB 1256 is critical in helping people on parole. With proper IDs, most of us can get work, stay focused on building a positive life, and avoid going back to prison. This bill is also beneficial to the community since incarceration and reentry doesn't just affect the people who are justice impacted, it affects everyone. I ask for your support of HB 1256 because it's a step in the right direction for much needed reform. It builds good community and it simply makes sense. Thank you for your time and consideration in this most important matter.
Thank you, Ilana. Mr. DePeace, state your name. You have three minutes.
Thank you. I want you to represent and make sure I get it right. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, committee members. My name is John DePeace. DePeace. And I'm actually here asking for your support on Bill HB 1256, and I would like to share my story of hope. For over 20 years, I've either been in prison or out on parole. The best way I can describe it is that I was renting my own life never truly investing in myself my future or anything meaningful I take responsibility for that and I only share that brief history to show how different my life is now When I was released from prison this January, I walked out with my driver's license and full gate money. My mom had my birth certificate, and my wife had my social security card. I also received a free phone and bus pass from parole services. For the first time, I had the basic tools I needed on day one. To me, that's what hope looks like. And when the system invests in my success, I invest in my success. Now, I'm happy to report that just 55 days after leaving prison, I am gainfully employed at the Center for Employment Opportunities, and I'm currently pursuing my commercial driver's license to build a career in the transportation industry. That progress was possible because I had my vital documents when I needed them and a little bit of money for unexpected make-or-break moments, like the day I was able to pay for an Uber to a random drug test appointment. To say all of this feels like a miracle would be an understatement, and none of it would have been possible without those day-one tools and support. But my story isn't unique in the sense that anyone can succeed with the right tools and support. However, not everyone has a mom or a wife holding their vital documents, and not everyone receives their full gate money. That's why I'm respectfully asking for your support for HB 1256 so the next person returning home from prison can have the same chance I've had. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. DiPiche. Members, do we have questions for this panel?
AML Bacon. Sorry. Thank you all. Thank you all for coming and sharing your stories. I'm wondering if any, maybe not all of you, but if anyone can share how you are actually prepared for parole and what that kind of looks like by either way of your counseling or any sort of checklist that they hope can be met before you're eligible, let alone before you're actually paroled. Alana? Thank you, Mr. Chair. I met with a pre-release case manager who actually happened to be new to Sterling. He was very eager to help, too, so I was very thankful for that. But he set me up with housing, and he also set me up with, you know, places that he would recommend to help get employment, one of which was Second Chance Center over on Aurora. And that was very vital for me because as soon as I got out, I made use of Second Chance. He also connected me to an organization called Hope Homes, in which I had a video conference or interview with the owner of Hope Homes. And so I was already determined to go there directly from release, which was a blessing because I was scared. But still, I didn't know what to do without my IDs.
Mr. Aguilar.
So the sad part is the ID bank. So DMV2Go comes to the facilities only four times a year And when you guys are saying you ask to opt in or whatever normally that not really an opt kind of question for them because once they give you the little thing, they're going to keep telling you to go over there and do it. Well, this ID sits in Colorado Springs, and that's why I had mentioned that they could get your vital documents to you. DOC does not pay for your birth certificate or your Social Security card. You've got to find your own funding and do all that on your own. and not only that, they don't want to hold on to any of this for you because DOC in 2017 transferred from paper a file, your normal file that you had. It used to be a thick file with paper. They transferred everything to digital. So now they no longer want to hold on to your Social Security and your birth certificate. That's one of the major problems that is being brought up. But if you're going to actually have a physical ID sent in a bank, you know what I mean, then you should be able to do the same thing with your birth certificate and your Social Security card. And then even on that token, I've had that stuff sitting in there, and it still took weeks for them to even give it to me. Granted, I was in a halfway house, but I'm still struggling with the same things of getting a job and doing all of that. Am I making? And so when – thank you.
I'd love for you to expand. I'm just also curious, too, when was the first time you may have been counseled about not just needing ID but these vital documents? I mean, the one thing we do know is what the state controls is particularly after sentence. We know where you're going to be and for how long. And so I'm curious also when you're first talked to about getting these vital documents, given what you just said about timelines and how to prepare for, you know, the time when you were allowed to leave.
Mr. Spindon.
Yes, I did most of my time at Buena Vista. and when I finally got tabled by parole, they transferred me to Fremont, which was a blessing because Buena Vista has no sort of re-entry program whatsoever. They just give you a few resources you can get or whatever. But at Fremont, they came to me six months before time and said, hey, you've already taken your ID photo. That will be waiting for you. And then that's when they advised me to wait for my social security card. but I said, no, I'm going to apply for it now. And so I had to do all that paperwork on my own, which I did, and then that was waiting for me. But there it's usually six months before you release that you are able to start any of the process. Before that, they won't even talk to you.
Mr. Aguilar.
Sorry, go ahead. So it's like six to eight months by the time they even do the DMV to go, but they don't ever mention nothing about it. They'll just tell you, oh, you need to make sure to get your Social Security card and your birth certificate. Like I said, you've got to do that on your own. They're not doing nothing for you to provide any of that. And it's usually the reentry program that has that, and it will actually give you the information for it. But if you don't go and speak up for yourself, they're not really going to give you the information that you really want or need. And a lot of facilities do not have a good reentry program. And I was even on a go-home yard, and their reentry, bare minimum.
Alana Jones.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. My pre-release case manager mentioned nothing about IDs or documentation. When, as I mentioned, we found out a week before my release from my case manager that I had no Social Security card. She was like, oh, well. You know no big deal for her and she did nothing to suggest anything whatsoever And I am blessed that I have family support but anyway thank you
AML Bacon.
I think, thank you for sharing this. I mean, I think what I heard you say is that you also have to pay for them, and we have had plenty of conversations about how much you actually earn and how long it then takes to earn the money you need for your own documents. And so I'm just trying to understand the timelines. Like, is it possible for you to even earn the amount of money you need for your document if you're not told until a week before? Or it depends on six to eight. You know, so if you're earning, this is a hypothetical. It's somewhere around it, but like a dollar a day and it costs $25. That means you might need 25 days to earn the amount of money and hope you don't get sick and have to pay for co-pays. That's an aside. But I think we're just trying to understand. Thank you, because I think this sets the stage. And I see DOCs here. God bless America. For us to understand what we are asking you to do and what opportunities we even provide for you to do it so that it is reachable. And so the fact that I've heard a myriad of answers in regards to when you are counseled about something that you need a little bit cause for concern. And I apologize, Mr. Chair, that was not a question.
That was commentary once again from Representative Bacon. Thank you. Sorry. Representative Slaw.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Just a question. and thank you all for your stories and for information. It is really good to hear some of the good experiences that were had. I can relate some of this. As everybody knows, I'm an Army guy, and the Army does things when you are coming off of Act of Duty to try to help you to prepare for another life. Sometimes the Army feels a lot like prison, but they do try to set you up. And I would also, too, AML Bacon's commentary. That wasn't a question, but that's okay. We forget. There is a wide margin of error when it comes to where you are at with how well implemented those transition programs are. Sometimes they start six months out or longer out to make sure that you have the things that you need to be successful in your future civilian life. Sometimes they don't happen at all, and that's difficult. The question I do have, though, is were there any other organizations outside of things of the state, just so that I'm understanding the whole picture, are there other organizations that try to help with any of that as well? Mr. Aguilar?
You've got to go, like, to the chaplain. Most likely it's going to be Christian, Catholic, faith-based, you know what I mean? And if you contact them, they're more than happy to help you get your birth certificate. Because I think it's like $15 or $20 when you order it to receive it.
Lana Jones. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I was not aware of any organization. When I got out, my therapist, who was part of Hope Homes, told me like, oh yeah, I met you in prison, but I was never mentioned that I could have had somebody from the outside helping me with that. So basically, no, we didn't have any.
Reps Law. I don't have any more questions. Thanks for I think that illustrates that there is still a variety of possibilities that could exist.
Representative Espinosa.
I apologize, Mr. Aguilar.
Yeah, DOC is not going to sit there and give you that information. You know what I mean? It's word of mouth through the inmates that you'll find out a lot about that one.
Representative Espinosa.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I just had a question. One of you mentioned you didn't get the money that you had earned in DOC. Could you elaborate on that, please?
Mr. Spender.
Yes. When I left, they told me I wouldn't get my money for a while because they had to verify my account. I mean, and they knew a year in advance when my MRD was going to be. And so they should have verified my account long before then. And I've talked to at least 20 people who had money that they had saved that the exact same thing has happened to them. I don't know why DOC keeps it. They never gave me a viable explanation even though I've asked multiple times.
Actually, Alana Jones.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I never received my last month's pay. I was a porter in Sterling, and I never received my last pay. And it took me over three months, maybe close to four months, and I had to go through hoops to get that last paycheck from there, which it would have been greatly appreciated if they – I mean, they knew my release, and they knew where I was working. As Mr. Spindon said, you know, they know about the MRD. They could have just put it on my gate money.
Representative Espinosa. You did eventually get the money, though, hopefully. Is that for Mr. Spenden?
Yes, I did. It took three and a half weeks. So for that time, I had no money, and I couldn't buy a phone. So for like three and a half weeks, I was basically just floating around, depending on the goodness of other people.
Representative Garcia.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I guess this is a follow-up for Ms. Jones, your comments, and then yours around. you had to go through hoops to get yours, and then you eventually got yours. What were the hoops you actually had to go through, and then how did you eventually get yours?
Lana Jones.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I had to find out, first of all, how to get it, and I had to go through, you know, researching on the web where to find it, and then finally I found out that then I had to send an email to DOC saying that I was a porter. now maybe it seemed at the time it seemed frustrating because I was like I need the money and it finally came but like I said it took three to four months and I was just fortunate that I'm savvy with the computer and I could do my research but it wasn't easy it wasn't like here there's your information go get your money
Mr. Spindon.
Okay, for me, I had to call DOC multiple times, which they said, well, call back at a certain time. I would call back at a certain time. Well, that person's not here. I must have called 10, 15 times and never got a response. So then I just went to parole and said, I need my money. Could you email them? So my parole officer and the reentry person emailed them multiple times and never got any responses So they kept emailing and finally they said oh we still verifying his account And it like it should have been verified before I even left prison And then finally they called me one day and said, yes, your check is here. So I went down to parole and picked it up.
Representative Garcia, any other questions for this panel? I want to thank you very much for coming in and speaking. Next panel will include Megan McKillop, Evaldo Chavez, Megan Burnham, and Eric Leitner. If you can state your name and who you represent, you'll have three minutes. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
It's rare that I am before you twice in one day, so thank you for allowing me this grace. My name is Megan McKillop. I am the contract lobbyist for NNAO Colorado. I want to caveat my testimony by saying that anything I say is not going to be nearly as important as the folks that you will hear directly from today, including the panel before us. I'm here today on behalf of Annaneo in support of House Bill 1256. Annaneo provides what we call transformational housing, transitional housing in monitored, structured, sober environments paired with clinically supervised behavioral health services. We are licensed by the BHA, and since our founding in 2021, we have grown to roughly 350 beds across campuses in Aurora, Denver, and Inglewood. Last year alone, we served over 1,094 individuals. Many of the men and women we serve come to us directly from the Department of Corrections. We work closely with DOC, probation, parole, the Denver Sheriff's Jail Programs team, and other partners across the criminal justice and behavioral health systems. So we see firsthand every single day what happens when someone walks out of DOC's custody without the basics they need to succeed. Here's what that looks like. Someone gets released and they're ready to do the work. They want to get into treatment. They want to start rebuilding. But they show up at our door without a valid ID and suddenly they can't enroll in Medicaid. They can't sign a lease. They can't start a job. We offer clinical intake assessments, outpatient and intensive outpatient therapy, medication management, peer coaching, case management. But none of that matters if a person is stuck in a weeks-long bureaucratic holding pattern just trying to prove who they are. and that delay is dangerous. Those first days and weeks after release are exactly when relapse and recidivism risk are at its highest. Someone is released or I'm sorry or someone is released without money and without a way to get anywhere. They can't get to their first appointment. They can't get to their first day of programming. Sometimes they can't even get to a safe place to sleep. A transit pass and a modest release allowance are not luxuries. They are the difference between someone making it to services and someone falling through the cracks on day one. That's why this bill matters to Anna Nail. The ID requirement removes one of the most common and most frustrating barriers our clients face. The $100 release allowance gives people the ability to meet their most immediate, basic needs during these critical first hours. The 30 transit pass means they can actually get to organizations like ours and start engaging in the programming that will help them stay on track And the annual data reporting will give us all all of us you included real insight into how this discharge process is working and where we can do better. Ananao exists because we believe that with the right support at the right time, people can transform their lives. I don't know why I'm getting emotional. I'm so sorry. But that support has to be accessible. This bill takes practical, common-sense steps to make sure that individuals leaving the Department of Corrections have what they need to walk through our doors. Please support this bill.
Thank you, Ms. McKillop. Mr. Chavez, you will have 30 minutes. Please state your name and who you represent.
Thank you so much, Mr. Chair. Good afternoon, members of the committee. My name is Ubaldo Chavez. I'm the business account manager and job developer for CEO of the Center for Employment Opportunities in Denver. I respectfully request your support for House Bill 1256. What you've heard from individuals today reflects what we see every day in our offices. My colleagues and I regularly encounter individuals who are eager and ready to work, but lack the necessary identification or the financial means to begin. CEO specializes in offering immediate comprehensive employment services to individuals on parole and probation with a focus on those most at risk of recidivism. Since opening in 2018, we have enrolled over 670 justice-involved individuals in our employment reentry program and made over 400 full-time job placements through our Denver and Colorado Springs offices. findings show engagement in our program correlates with a 22 percent reduction in recidivism and a 48 percent increase in employment after four years when measured to a comparison group however by the time they arrive in our office most participants have faced significant barriers to meeting their most basic needs currently the state operates programs to try to provide identification and a modest $100 release allowance, commonly known as gate money, to people upon release. However, these small supports do not always reach the participants we serve. Without even the small amount of money in those first few days, it becomes difficult for participants to attend coaching appointments, community work assignments, job interviews, and more. As part of our program, individuals are hired following orientation. and this requires that we verify certain ID documents. Without identification, someone cannot apply for housing benefit programs or enroll in workforce training programs like CEOs. Further, appropriate clothing, hygiene products, and a cell phone are among the most immediate necessities for people upon return. House Bill 1256 will remedy these gaps by making several common sense improvements. First, it ensures that everyone leaving custody receives the modest release allowance of $100 in full. Second, it strengthens the process for helping individuals secure valid identification before release. Providing gate money to everyone upon release at its full $100 amount, plus providing state ID or practical tools that better help ensure that people return home ready to move forward rather than scrambling to survive. From our experience as an employment and training provider, these tools matter enormously. When someone arrives at our program with identification and the ability to meet their basic needs, they are far more likely to begin training quickly and move toward stable employment Helping someone succeed in those first few days is far less expensive than the cost of someone returning to prison For these reasons, the Center for Employment Opportunities respectfully urges the committee to support House Bill 26-1256. Thank you for your time and consideration.
Thank you, sir. Ms. Burnham, you will have three minutes. Can you state your name and who you represent?
Good afternoon, members of the committee. My name is Megan Burnham, and I serve as the Associate Director of Programs at the Second Chance Center, and I ask for your support of House Bill 1256. A significant and recurring barrier I witnessed clients encounter is the lack of government-issued identification for individuals upon release. Too often, not only must I inform clients that their progress towards stability will be delayed for days, weeks, or even months due to the absence of identification documentation, but I break their hope and strip their humanity. Without valid identification, individuals are unable to access essential behavioral health services, secure employment, enroll in education or training programs, or complete other foundational steps necessary for successful re-entry. In these circumstances, even the most well-designed re-entry supports are ineffective and individuals are left vulnerable in this delicate waiting period. Approximately 95% of people who enter the criminal justice system are eventually released. Despite this, I've seldom met any individual who has left incarceration with the documentation, transportation support, or monetary assistance necessary to function in the community. While individuals have completed the sentence imposed by the justice system, the continued deprivation of basic identification creates additional unintended punishment. This lack of documentation and gate money undermines rehabilitation efforts, increases the likelihood of recidivism, and represents a missed opportunity to promote public safety and community well-being. Assuring access to proper identification upon release is a practical and achievable step that would significantly improve reentry outcomes and strengthen our communities. I ask that we provide individuals with proper documentation and gate money immediately upon release as it represents opportunity, humanity, and a chance of healing the community. Thank you.
Thank you. Mr. Leitner, if you could state your name and who you represent, you'll also have three minutes. Yes, it's on. Oh, you just turned it off.
Okay. Good afternoon, Mr. Chair and members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to testify today in support of House Bill 26-1256. My name is Eric Leitner, and I am a program manager at the Second Chance Center, a reentry organization that focuses on helping formerly incarcerated persons transition to lives of success and fulfillment. I am also formerly incarcerated. In some regards, I'm a subject matter expert, unfortunately. I've spent a considerable amount of time incarcerated, three decades. I was 21 when I was arrested and 50 when I was released to community corrections. I was a recipient of clemency from then Governor Hickenlooper, and I want to say reentry could be somewhat scary if not downright terrifying. Something as simple as a state ID is huge for someone who has just been released from incarceration. The expectation is that a person will find a job and become a productive member of society, but without I-9 documents you are unemployable. A person getting released without an ID is not an exception, it appears to be the norm. Not having your necessary IDs is akin to a setback. A setback initiated by the Department of Corrections. A person may struggle for months not being able to get a job, falling behind on rent for whatever form of housing they may have because they don't have an ID. I was fortunate that my family kept my social security card, birth certificate, and my driver's license from 1992. When I went to the DMV to get an ID and presented a DOC ID, the lady said, and I quote, why don't they stop sending you guys out here with this expletive? This expletive doesn't work out here. And then she just took it and threw it across the counter. If I'm in the system, I've been arrested, I've been fingerprinted, and the police department and the courts are sure they've incarcerated the right person, then why is it so hard to get somebody proper identification when released? In most cases, DOC has years to get this done. In my case, 29 years, two months, and four days. From the time I was granted clemency, they had two years and eight months to get it done, and I was still released without a state ID. House Bill 26-1256 would be a step in the right direction to help alleviate the all-too-familiar problem of recidivism. And if I may, and this goes to what Representative Jackson said, $100 in 1972. I was still in diapers in 72. I was born in 1970. I'm 55 years of age right now. The equivalent of that $100 in 1972 in today's times is $778.11 in 2026. And individuals are being asked to do something with just $100. Thank you.
Thank you. Members, do we have questions for this panel? Amel Bacon.
Sorry. I'm just curious in your experience. You've been doing second chance work for a while. Have you had the conversation with DOC or any DMV or any county as to why they will not accept an ID that the state issues? Because I do believe these days they not only have your fingerprints, they have verified who you are. They probably got our DNA for some reason. Yes, they do. Have you had any of those conversations?
Mr. Lightner.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Recently, well, June, did we go to Lyman and June? And June of 2025, we went to Lyman Correctional Facility. And I brought up the question to a major butcher at Lyman Correctional Facility, who do I need to talk to, to make sure individuals have a state ID when they get released? And he said, well, that would be me. And I said, well, what seems to be the problem? He says, no, we make sure everybody gets released with a state ID. I said, I'm not talking about that DOC ID. I think I called it a bootleg ID. I said, I mean a state ID. He says, no, we may. I said, no, I said, we see people on a weekly basis, and the first thing they have to do is get ID, birth certificate, and Social Security card because they can't work. And all I got was the political spill about that they have systems in place Okay AML Bacon Thank you Any other questions for this panel
Okay, panel. Oh, I'm sorry.
I have kind of a similar question, but from an opposite perspective. Have you heard any stories from people that you would have known that would have gotten a state ID, or did everyone just get the bootleg ID from DOC?
Mr. Leitner.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Yes, I've heard this is what they have in place. They do have a mobile DMV. If you're in the Canyon Complex, the mobile DMV goes to the territorial correctional facility. If you can get on the list, they will put you on a transport van. I can't remember how many miles down the street it is. They will take you down there to get that. But you have to be in the Canyon Complex. While I was in the Canyon complex awaiting to get released from Four Mile Correctional Center, I couldn't get on the van. Although they knew I was being released because I was granted clemency and my parole eligibility date was clearly stated as December 1st, 2022. And they knew I put in for community corrections and the potential to get released in 2021 was there. I still couldn't get on the transport.
Representative Sobel. Okay
Again any other questions for this panel Thank you Thank you very much
Can I add something It'll be real quick
I apologize only the questions can be asked But thank you I want to make sure you understand that Representative Soper
Representative Soper Please Thank you, Mr. Chair. If you were to have any question for the General Assembly, what question would you hypothetically ask?
Mr. Lightner.
I wanted to reply to what one of them said about purchasing their own birth certificate, and somebody mentioned state pay. State pay, when I left in 2021, was 61 cents a day for whatever job you worked if you're not in industry. That's roughly $18 a month. DOC does not provide any of the necessities, soap, lotion, deodorant, or toothpaste. You have to pay for that out of your state pay if you don't have support from your family. If you want to write your family, you have to purchase your own paper and stamps. That comes out of that $18. So now that further complicates the process for somebody to save enough money to purchase their own birth certificate.
Representative Sober. AML Bacon. no no no uh thank you thank you panel i want to make sure everybody understands that's just out of fairness to all the witnesses come in make sure i just want to be fair but thank you again panel i have a gino the docs and is there anyone online that wanted to testify just have a seat sir anyone in the room that wants to testify seeing none sir if you can state your name I want to make sure I get it right you will have three minutes and who you represent your mic is in oh do you see where it plugs into the table you have them out there you go thank you sir thank you Mr. Leitner
okay thank you thank you uh my name is gino shvedoff i with hazel brook recovery um good afternoon chair members of the the committee Like I said my name is Gino Shvedov I the CEO at Hazelbrook Sober Living and Recovery Hazelbrook is a leading reentry services and housing provider in Colorado. We operate over 40 recovery homes across the state and are a wages provider, both here in Denver and in Colorado Springs as well. At Hazelbrook, we work closely with many individuals returning from incarceration on a daily basis. We provide them with housing, care management, peer, and clinical support. I want to share what we see every day. When people are released, many of them come out with no ID, no money, and no way to get where they need to go. Within hours, they're expected to figure out housing, treatment, and employment. People getting out without IDs is a real and significant problem. We work closely with parole and DOC to try to mitigate this, however frequently we aren't able to be successful. Those first few days are critical. That's where someone either stabilizes or falls back into survival mode. This bill sponsored by Rev. Jackson addresses these basic gaps. Having an ID, a small amount of money in transportation might seem simple, but it makes a huge difference. It gives people a real chance to take the next steps instead of immediately struggling. In many cases, we see the case managers don't do the necessary legwork to get individuals their required identification. In fact, several parole offices that we work with have implemented a policy where they will not allow us or similar organizations to accept clients into housing without an ID. I can tell you firsthand, this is a real problem because many individuals aren't able to even get released because of this barrier. At Hazelbrook, we see the difference firsthand. When someone shows up prepared with identification, a way to get to their appointments, they're far more likely to engage, stay in the program, and start rebuilding their lives. This bill will make a huge difference and solves a lot of the problems the individuals being released are currently dealing with and are preventing their success. If we want better outcomes and safer communities, we have to set people up for success from day one, and this bill will have a huge impact. I strongly support this bill. Thank you for your time.
Thank you, sir. Members, do we have any questions?
Representative Clifford?
Any questions for this panel? One last call for anyone who would like to testify. Sir, if you could come up as well. do you right you have your you're right next to it yeah if you can impress it every yeah you're pressing it there um state your name and who you represent and you will have three minutes
All right, thank you. My name is Richard Templeton. I'm here representing myself today. And I want to thank everybody for taking the time for all these testimonies. I reside in Denver, Colorado, and I came in here today in support of this bill in hopes that more people will thoroughly understand the difficulty struggles of the future parolees face. I started learning about the darkest side of prison life in June 2001. I would hear others talk about getting on parole or their MRD and it became apparent to me that many were struggling and stressing about what they needed to be prepared for when the doors to freedom opened for them DOC did little or nothing to help anyone I myself started to fall into the same feelings of hopelessness and despair I was fortunate enough to get some very helpful information from other inmates that put me in touch with other individuals and organizations that I should contact upon my release, and they provided me with assistance. Over one year before I got paroled, I started going to my case manager to seek help in getting the required documents I would need. I was one of the lucky few as my case manager did help me to get all my Social Security card, birth certificate, state ID, and sign up for Medicaid and a letter of incarceration. But there are many more who are not as fortunate. They have to struggle. I still talk to many who have just been recently released, and they were not given any help or guidance. This makes it almost impossible to survive on the streets. This makes it necessary to get these documents because you need them for help, for getting with housing and jobs. They give no help, and $100 of gate money upon release? No one can survive with nothing but $100 in their pocket and no way to provide who they are except for a prison ID. This is absurd. Too many people fall back into the behaviors that put them behind bars to begin with, and then the cycle starts all over again. DOC needs to provide the documentation and resources that need to ease people going out on parole. Case manager must have a checklist of things that need to be done so parolees will have the much-needed documents. The pre-release classes in DOC are woefully inadequate in both staff and resources. Pre-release staff should be trained in how to assist those in class to make them successful. In both of these situations, DOC has it in their budget to provide the assistance to future parolees. This bill will empower those released so that they can succeed, return of their family and friends, and the community as a productive member of society. I ask for your help and support of this bill. Thank you for your time and consideration.
Thank you, Mr. Templeton. Members, do we have any questions for this panel? seeing none I want to thank you again for your testimony thank you all at this point the witness phase is closed sponsors can you wrap up amendments Chair Mabry.
Thank you, Vice Chair Carter. I move L1.
That is a proper motion and a proper second by Representative Clifford. Representative, Chair Mabry.
Thank you, Vice Chair Carter. So we previewed the amendment and had some discussion. In particular, we had discussion about the impacts of the amendment on the opt-out process for the ID program. But we crafted this amendment in conversations with DOC to clean it up and make sure that the bill was workable. So it's mostly a cleanup amendment. There are some changes to the reporting timelines from July 1st to September 15th. and some clarification that the reporting requirements are directly to our committees and not just to be presented in the SMART Act hearing. On the opt-out piece, the introduced bill required offenders to affirmatively opt-out with the department checking in at six months and three months. L1 replaces this with a single check-in at 180 days, and it also strikes subsection 8, which allowed fees incurred during the ID document process to be charged back to the offender after release. And then there's conforming changes throughout the amendment.
Any discussion regarding L1? Any objection to L1? see no objection L1 has passed any further amendments members any amendments the amendment phase is closed please wrap up representative Jackson
thank you Mr. Chair colleagues this bill is about humanity and responsibility If we release people from custody without the most basic tools to survive, without identification, without resources, we are not giving them a second chance. We are setting them up to fail. And when they fail, it's not just their burden. It becomes all of our burden and our responsibility. This bill says we can do better. It reflects a thoughtful, collaborative approach with community partners and the DOC to ensure that when someone leaves custody, they are prepared and not abandoned. because we cannot expect success from people we haven't equipped, and we shouldn't build policy around unrealistic expectations. This is about safer communities, stronger reentry, and smarter systems, and I respectfully ask for your support.
Chairman Avery. Thank you, Vice Chair Carter. I cannot speak to this bill better than the testimony that we heard from people who came and shared their own lived experience with reentry. Their stories illustrate why this is necessary. I'll also echo my co-prime rep, Jackson, in stating that this is a step in the right direction. We could do so much more to set people up for success post-incarceration. That is evidence-based policy that will keep our community safe and urge an aye vote. Proper motion would be to the committee of the whole. Vice Chair Mabry.
I move I move House Bill 1256 to the committee on I was getting to that I move House Bill 1256 to the committee on appropriations as amended with a favorable recommendation
as a proper motion and a proper second by Representative Garcia Members closing.
Representative Garcia. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, sponsors, for bringing this. I want to thank the witnesses who came and shared your experiences of what it's like to have to rebuild your life after time inside. And I think what strikes me with this, having to bring this bill, is having to come back and, like, re-legislate what DOC should already be doing. and when I see this and I'm saying that it's $100 and from your opening statement, Representative Jackson, I'm just like, that's nothing. That's a night. That's one night of survival and with inflation, as you mentioned, what we should be doing is at least $800 and I think if we are true to what it should be the intention of the Department of Corrections, then we should actually consider coming back again and saying this absolutely does need to change with inflation. It should not be kept at this minuscule amount that can definitely make a difference but is not what is necessary. The idea that we are letting people operate in society without identification, which that in itself could put people back inside is just, it's wild to me. And that then people are having to take this amount of money that they work for at a dollar a day or a dollar an hour and not even get that until three, four months later. I just, I wish DOC had signed up for questions because I have questions. I have so many questions about why are people not getting their final paycheck until months later? How is that allowed? How are we just being okay with that? How is the decision being made of who actually gets their gate money and who doesn't? This is great. I'm so glad you're doing this. I'm so glad to support this. and we have so much more to do. Another question, for the record, that I would have asked DOC had DOC signed up for questions is do we track recidivism around how many people actually got their gate money or not? Do we know that? What is the relation there? So I just, there's so much more in this. Thank you for bringing this up. Thank you for bringing this. Thank you for your experiences and your testimony. and I will obviously be a yes.
Representative Espinosa. Thank you, Mr. Chair. And I too just wanted to say thank you. You made me very emotional like Ms. McGillop today because your stories are so much reflecting the humanity of who you are. And so I just want to say thank you. And the persistence to continue to find your money, to continue to survive in these circumstances. Again, I thank you. I thank the sponsors of programs that continue to help you who are also here because that's critical. I, too, would have had a question to ask DOC that it strikes me that we have this little fund in the state government called unclaimed property. And I love to know if some of the money that they holding post makes it way into unclaimed property because they never find the people after they released and how that goes It's just a question that popped up in terms of that other aspect. When I first read the bill, my big concern was the fact that we couldn't do an inflation adjustment because I do think 1972, I won't say it was when I was born because I was still a little older, but I still know the difference, and I know what I was paid in 1972 versus what I'm being paid now, and it's about the same if I work for the legislature, but no. I know that there's difference there, and that money does not go very far. And so I do wish we could do more in this bill, but I hope that by adopting this standard, by being able to ask these questions and having this reporting that we will get, like I said, to me, we should have 100% completion because that's what we're asking for, and there should be no reasons why we don't get 100% compliance. And so I'm proud of the sponsors for bringing this bill, identifying a problem, and hopefully this will actually be a solution. Thank you so much. I will be a yes.
Representative Slaw. I thought there were others before me. Thank you, Chair. And thank you to everybody who has come and been witnesses. I appreciate the information. I can recognize real problems in our system. I still don't know if this addresses all of those problems exactly the right way. But, yeah, I certainly can recognize problems and hope that we can address those. I mean this is a topic that has some ties to personal things as well not for me but for family and for me in other circumstances in other ways too as I'm still fighting the army for a piece of paper that they owed me three months ago that holds up my insurance for my family. So I can understand when you have things that you need and you cannot get a government agency to let go so that you can take care of the things that you need to take care of. So I can understand that, and that is a real problem. I do think and I am grateful to know that there are charitable organizations and things that are willing to be there. I wish that they were more there. I wish that this was an easier system and process to go through. I appreciate those of you that were here and are fantastic, shining examples of people who are trying to make things right and to get back on your feet and do those things. I'm still not committed for sure in my mind on a couple points, so I'm not going to say either way. but I wanted to definitely on the record recognize that there are problems in this system that have been brought up and need to be addressed. I don't know how we address them. I don't know if this is exactly the right way to address them. I think it does some things. There's probably some good in it. So I just want to thank everybody for at least for the discussion and continue to think while others make their comments too. Thank you.
Representative Kelty.
Thank you Mr Chair I have to tell you after hearing everything at first I was like what I just had to wrap my head around it But I pretty irritated that the fact that we had our SMART meeting our joint judiciary SMART meeting in January, and all of us were on that SMART meeting. And I don't know if I don't remember anyone bringing this up back then because, honestly, when they were in front of us, I gave them a what for. And then it sounds like they need to have another what for. So the fact that we did not as a group and one of us was in there, and I don't remember it being brought up. That's the time it should have been brought up. DOC should have been here today to answer some questions. They're not. But at the SMART meeting is when this should have been brought up and this bill was created around that time, so I don't know why it wasn't brought up then. I don't like inefficiencies. I did 21 years in the military, and I ran a tight ship and this is not a tight ship. I'm irritated because we have to now close some loopholes. A program that has been working all this time or should have been working all this time for all this time but now we can make a law for it because they can't seem to follow rules. So I begrudgingly am going to be a yes today but I'm really irritated. Thank you.
Representative Flannell. Thank you, Chair. I will say at first when I looked at this, the fiscal note was a little alarming. But in hindsight, I think this is actually a small price to pay. And I mean, especially if it prevents people from going back to jail. And I think that this is a very small ask, especially for the fact that I think that people deserve basic necessities, especially identification, a pass to get around. And so I will be a yes. Thank you, sponsors, for bringing the bill and for those who testified today.
Representative Sober.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, sponsors. And thank you for those who came to testify as well. I will absolutely be a yes. I've been one of those individuals who, over the last eight years, we've worked on criminal justice reform a lot together. And I know some people have said, you know, it's been hard to follow my ideology in this space. And I said, no, it's pretty straightforward that before a person is convicted of a crime, I believe we should give them as much benefit of the doubt because you're innocent until proven guilty. But then when you are convicted, it's both a form of punishment and correction. We want to make sure that for that individual, that they understand why the state and the government disagreed with whatever action had occurred. But we also want to start implementing tools within the prison space to be able to have that person be successful. Because it's like 98% are going to come back and have their full citizenship status restored in terms of all the rights, privileges, and duties, with some exceptions, of course. And then when they're released, I want to make sure that they have, you know, as many barriers taken away to being able to be successful as possible so that if it's an ID, we can get you an ID. Birth certificate, being able to, whether it's blocking certain information that would otherwise inhibit an individual. Being able to get a job or to be able to rent a home or buy a home. I mean, all these things are barriers that have been used, and we have systematically as a General Assembly worked at trying to take that away, and including having much streamlined pathways to sealing criminal records, because that has been a barrier that people have used, whether in the rental market or in the job market. So this to me seems like the least the state can do to be able to help a person on the path to success. And I would agree with the gentleman who testified here at the end that in 1972, if the state was giving $100 gate money back then and we're still giving $100 gate money today, it showed that the values of our state reflected the fact that, I mean, And you figure the average hotel room anywhere in the state of a not very good hotel is probably around 200, 250 on up. So the state basically recognized that, you know, crude back of the napkin math, that basically three nights and a couple of meals is kind of the launch to getting started. Well, if that was the buying power in 1972 and today, you know, quoting the gentleman who testified that we're looking at $700, $750 worth of buying power today, but it's still $100, that shows that we have different values as a state and that somewhere along the way we have drifted in our beliefs of how to at least tee people up for being successful. And, of course, we have limited tax revenue. But this is a real shame that we can't do more because it actually would save the state money in the end because the greatest risk for recidivism is right at first. And if we can lower that risk, everyone in our state is better off. So thank you for bringing this bill. I will be an enthusiastic yes.
Representative Clifford. You know, I like saying a lot on closing, but Rep. Soper just said everything I was going to say, so I'm going to give it a pass this time. Except for if you really want to get DOC to answer questions, call News Channel 9.
I will try to be as brief as my colleague. What I want you guys to know, one, I want to thank you for coming into this space. Your experiences and your – I want to make sure that you are thanked for coming into this space. I also want to thank the sponsors. I want to thank the sponsors for allowing me to chair something like this. For those who don't know, in my other, other, other life, I'm a criminal defense attorney. So when we talk about Blaine of Vista, I know exactly where you're at. We talk about Sterling. We talk about Lyman. We talk about Crowley. I know every I know exactly what we're talking about. And one of the things that I have championed and been a voice for is the fact that in this state, the top five counties for black men population, Arapaho, Adams, El Paso, Douglas and Crowley County, Colorado. Crowley County Colorado is top five in this state for African American males. And for those who are looking at me and understand what that means you understand why when you get and a bus ticket from Crowley County Colorado all they doing is setting you up to make sure you come right back So I want to thank the sponsors. I want to thank you for coming into the space. And look, man, you move both sides. And so I just want to make sure that I thank you. I'm going to be an enthusiastic yes.
Ms. Shipley, call the roll. Representatives Bacon.
Yes.
Clifford.
Yes.
Espinosa.
Yes.
Flannell.
Yes.
Garcia.
Yes.
Kelty.
Yes.
Slob.
Yes.
Soper.
Yes.
Zokai.
Yes.
Mabry.
Yes.
Mr. Chair.
Yes. on a unanimous vote of 11-0. You are on your way to appropriations. All right.
I'm going my way to the bathroom.
All right. We have one more bill, but we have been sitting here for a while. I'm going to put us in a five-minute recess. Please come back at 6.15 so that I can start us. Committee members, we'll stand in brief recess until 6.15.
Thank you. Thank you. Thank you Thank you Thank you. Thank you. Thank you Thank you. Thank you.
The committee will come to order. Okay, members. We are on our last bill for the evening. House Bill 1255. Rep. Story.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I did have printed good afternoon, but good evening, Mr. Chair and members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to present House Bill 26-1255, which concerns reducing the judicial search warrant response time for social media platforms and a duty to report under certain circumstances for social media platforms. I'm very proud to bring this bill before you today, which has been painstakingly drafted over the last seven months and involved countless hours of meetings with stakeholders, community members, and organizations across our state. In particular, I'd like to thank Jefferson County Sheriff Marinelli, Boulder District Attorney Doherty, and the whole Evergreen community for their consistent support and partnership in this effort. and we have a number of them here tonight. On September 10th, 2025, the shooting at Evergreen High School shattered the peace of our community. This unspeakable tragedy left a profound, lifelong impact on everyone within those school walls. Even now, some teachers and students struggle to return to the building, haunted by graphic memories that stay with them every single day. Families are left to wrestle with the heavy uncertainty of whether their children and loved ones are truly safe the moment they leave home. This event has permanently altered our community and its effects will be felt for years to come. As we looked for answers in the wake of this tragedy, we discovered a systemic failure in the search warrant process that unfolded. We learned that a social media post foreshadowing this event was flagged by the Anti-Defamation League in New York as early as July 5th, 2025, over two months before the shooting took place. A complaint was filed with the FBI in New York, and the search warrant process began. Under our current system, it can take three separate judicial search warrants just to identify a single individual, as each respective search warrant uncovers the IP address, the URI, and email address of the individual. In total, this process took about 75 days to identify the user and hand over the judicial search warrant file to the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office. The user was the Evergreen High School shooter, and the shooting had already happened two days prior. The clock ran out because the process was too slow, and that is a failure we are here to fix today. In Colorado, social media companies technically have 35 days to turn around a single search warrant, and they often take every single day, not turning over life-saving information until the very last second. This bill modernizes Colorado's public safety standards by requiring social media companies to comply with search warrants within 24 hours. It also requires social media platforms to provide a streamlined process to allow law enforcement agencies to contact the platform, including a 24-7 staffed hotline that is available to law enforcement. These provisions will bring the legal process into alignment with the modern speed of the Internet, ensuring that law enforcement can act while a threat is still preventable, rather than investigating a tragedy after the fact. In addition to these requirements, another crucial piece of this legislation is that it establishes a duty to report for social media companies. In accordance with the amendment that I'm bringing today, this duty to report is triggered when a social media platform takes an adverse action specifically the restriction suspension or termination of a user account in response to the user posting content in violation of the platform policies concerning threatening or criminal behavior. The platform must report the content in question that was allegedly posted by the user to a local law enforcement agency no more than 24 hours after the adverse action is taken. In drafting this legislation, we have engaged a significant number of stakeholders across the spectrum who have provided crucial input in the drafting process. This legislation is backed by extensive support from the law enforcement community, including the Colorado Association of Chiefs of Police and the County Sheriffs of Colorado. This broad coalition also includes the cities and municipalities of Fountain, North Glen, Woodland Park, Castle Rock, Monument, and Parker, as well as health care, educational, and civic partners such as the Colorado Nurses Association, Common Spirit, the League of Women voters of Colorado and the Jefferson County School District. With the inclusion of our recent amendment, the Colorado Criminal Defense Bar has now moved to an amend position. Additionally, we were working in tandem with Congresswoman Brittany Pedersen while she works on a parallel policy to reduce the judicial search warrant process time for social media platforms at the federal level. Having a uniform response time for judicial search warrants across the country will allow for more expediency when lives are on the line, helping to interrupt or disrupt planned acts of violence no matter where in the country a search warrant process is initiated. Based on our extensive conversations, I can't overstate enough the importance of the duty to report element in this bill. Law enforcement can only act on information they receive. If it were not for the Anti-Defamation League flagging the Evergreen Perpetrator post, no search warrant ever would have been initiated in the first place. Without a threshold by which social media companies must report the information they flag, information around a direct threat to commit a crime could be taken down from public view before the legitimacy of the threat can be investigated. This element provides officers with an actual opportunity to disrupt a plan before it turns into a tragedy. And the information that was gathered from the search warrant process from the New York FBI, while it did not help out in the Evergreen community because the shooting had already occurred. It is reported that the information gathered from that search warrant process did interrupt and save lives in five or six other situations. We have also been intentional in the drafting process about protecting our fundamental liberties and ensuring we do not violate First Amendment and Fourth Amendment rights. There is a vast body of case law that outlines the bounds of government and private searches in the digital realm. In United States v Wilson the court established that law enforcement may only view the exact files provided to them by a private party and must obtain a warrant for any further search Under United States v. Reddick, automated scanning by a private platform is classified as a private search rather than government action, which allows police to view the flag content without a warrant. These precedents provide the legal foundation for our bill, clearly defining the distinction between private platform moderation and government intervention. We will also have attorneys testifying in support of the bill who can speak more to this case law and the sheriff's office as well. This bill does not ask companies to remove posts or shut down websites. It simply demands that when a specific imminent threat is identified, the information moves fast enough to save lives. You are about to hear firsthand testimony from Evergreen and Conifer students, teachers, parents, and grieving families who will speak to the immense ongoing toll this horrific day has taken on their community. By passing this bill, we are offering an opportunity to prevent future acts of violence before they happen, sparing other communities the trauma and PTSD that still haunt Evergreen and Conifer today. It is quite simply about saving lives. We owe the people of Evergreen and all Colorado residents nothing less. Thank you, and I'm happy to address your questions.
Committee members, questions for our bill sponsor? Okay. Seeing none, we'll head to the witness testimony phase. All right. Okay. Reggie Marinelli, Paul Smoker, John Zanotti, and Iris Towne. Okay, we will start with Reggie Marinelli. You will have three minutes. State in the organization you represent. You may begin.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, committee. I am Sheriff Reggie Marinelli, Sheriff of Jefferson County, Colorado. I am very much in support of House Bill 26-1255. Today is about protecting our kids, supporting families, and making sure we learn from tragedy. As we speak here today, just to give you a little background on myself, I've worked for Jefferson County for over 39 and a half years, which puts me in the reality that I actually worked as a deputy the Columbine High School shooting. And now with Evergreen, I have overseen a shooting in my agency. lessons were learned back in 1999 from columbine high school and it's time for us to learn lessons today uh to make changes in reference to the shooting at evergreen high School Last September our community experienced the unthinkable at Evergreen High School In a matter of minutes a student fired several rounds critically injuring two students before taking his own life. So how did we get here? I will reiterate a little bit of what Representative Story stated. within 48 hours of that school shooting in evergreen i was um received a phone call from the fbi to let me know that they did in fact put in three search warrants one for the ip address one for the url and one that eventually gave them the email address and the home address of the person that was threatening to shoot a school somewhere in the world. That led to my talking to Michael Doherty, the DA of Boulder, and then with Representative Story to write this new bill. The legislation we are announcing today would require responses within 24 hours when law enforcement has legal authority and judicial approval. This is not about expanding government power whatsoever. It is not about bypassing the courts, and it is not about weakening privacy protections. I can tell you back in 1999, when I transferred to be a criminal investigator with Jefferson County, we had one financial crimes investigator who was brand new. We had never had that position before. Today we have seven. just because technology has expanded to the point where we had to expand law enforcement to include these episodes. We are dealing with the same thing today. We have gotten to a point where social media platforms and the usage of social media has taken a toll on what we do and our abilities to stay ahead of it. I really don't think our leaders of this country many, many years ago when they were building our constitutions thought about what we would be dealing with today. So we have diligently put in the efforts to make sure that due process is still very much part of this bill, that the First Amendment is not violated and the Fourth Amendment is not violated. And so I will be here for questions at the end, but I ask you to please support House Bill 26-1255. Thank you for your time.
We'll now hear from Paul Smoker. You will have three minutes to state in the organization you represent. You may begin. I'll make sure the mic is on. Yep, yep, right there. My goodness, it's small.
Good evening. Thank you. My name is Paul Smoker. I'm a sergeant with Jefferson County Sheriff's Office. I too have been around a little bit with the sheriff, 36 years in law enforcement. I currently supervise a school resource officer unit. In this role, I oversee deputies assigned to schools across our community and work closely with administrators, students, and families to identify and respond to safety concerns. Over the course of my career, I was a first responder at Columbine High School Shooting. I then was a first responder at Evergreen High School Shooting. with that my experience has given me i've worked special investigations unit which provided me an opportunity to work numerous threats cases whether they were against schools or government etc i want to stress when a student makes or a person makes a threat the attempts to lure and cause bodily harm or death to others is the most critical thing especially to our students We cannot sit back when we have the power and we have the technology to do these things, to identify these things. And if you can't gather that information using technology, you'll never solve the case. You will never get to disrupt what is about to happen. I can't stress how critical that is. The providers do a wonderful job most of the time getting us the information, but when they don't and it's late, it's catastrophic. None of us can live with that. This bill addresses the gap by requiring a streamlined, always available process for law enforcement and timely responses for social media platforms. That's all it's asking for. For the perspective of someone who works in a school every day and who has seen firsthand the consequences of targeted violence, improving communication and response timelines is not just helpful, but it is absolutely critical. Thank you.
Thank you. Okay, we'll now hear from John Zanatti. You will have three minutes. State any organization you represent. You may begin.
Thank you, Mr. Chair, members of the committee. My name is John Zanatti. I am an investigator with the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office. I've only been with the agency nine years, but my last three years have been assigned to the Criminal Investigations Division, working in units, the family crimes unit, dealing with domestic violence and child crimes, the financial and fraud unit, and currently I'm assigned to the property unit. I have written my fair share of production of records orders to social media platforms and have experienced firsthand the hurdle that a lack of timely response can be both to an investigation and to the quality of service that we provide to our constituents. this bill does not change the burden that is on me as an investigator to prove my case to a judge, does not lower the threshold for probable cause. In fact, it actually probably puts more pressure on me to make sure that I'm doing my job better to get a timely response from these social media platforms. Thankfully, these social media platforms have kind of evolved to where there is a – they've streamlined the process of how we serve our warrants. We can submit them electronically. We can give them every bit of information they need to do their job quickly. It has been my experience that their responses are kind of hit and miss. In fact, one of my most recent cases, I submitted a production record order to TikTok on July 30th of 2025. And in fact, didn't get a response at all in reference to a burglary case. I had to resubmit that order this February and still got service within about 37 days. That's a burglary case, but we all know that technology has far outpaced the courts. I've investigated stalking cases where the stalking and surveilling of the victim is going on through social media, through electronic means. Having 35 days puts that victim at risk. There's no excuse for the fact that I'm investigating a potentially life-threatening incident, and I'm sitting here twiddling my thumbs waiting for a response when we know that information is readily available. The other kind of component to this other than the life and the speed and need for life measures is the fact that most of these warrants and most of the returns are multi processes Oftentimes we get to a point where we getting limited information that we have to write additional orders for, which take additional time. So the need for expeditious response from social media platforms is immense. A lot of times the information that we receive, Most of these platforms do not verify the IDs of the people holding the accounts, which require extra work. So my support for this bill lies in the fact that from an operational standpoint, it's necessary to save lives. Thank you.
Thank you. Okay, we'll now hear from Eric Town. You will have three minutes, state and the organization you represent. You may begin. Okay.
Good evening. My name is Deputy Eric Towne and I serve as a school resource officer with Jefferson County Sheriff's Office. In my role, I work directly inside our schools with students, staff, and administration. What we are seeing today is that serious threats are often made or shared through social media platforms before law enforcement becomes aware of them. I was a part of the response to the incident in Evergreen High School. In situations like that, time and access to information is critical. Right now, even when we identify a credible threat, our ability to act quickly is limited by delays in obtaining information from social media platforms. In some cases, those delays can be hours, days, or even longer. Right now, the speed of our legal process does not match the speed at which threats develop online. This bill addresses that gap by improving access to platforms, shortening response times for search warrants, and creating a duty to report imminent threats so that critical information reaches law enforcement when it can still make a difference. As someone who was also a student in a nearby school during the Columbine incident, I understand how these events affect not just responders, but entire school communities. Earlier awareness and faster access to information can directly translate to prevention. This bill helps us act within the reality of how quickly threats develop today instead of behind it. I strongly support this legislation and respectfully ask for your consideration.
Committee members, other questions for this panel of witnesses? Rep Clifford.
Thank you, Mr. Chair, and this is for Sheriff Marinelli. I appreciate your activity with a number of bills this year. We have another bill that went through here through committee just last week that's somewhat similar to this. I'm interested a little bit in the research that went in and kind of how we arrived at the language that's in this bill. Yeah.
Sheriff Marinelli.
Thank you, Chairman, and thank you for the question. a fair amount the majority of the research on this was done by myself and my team we were really looking at the radicalization that happens to these young people on social media that caused them to commit such a such an act as the one is at evergreen high school we did find out that our our shooter had been radicalized i cannot tell you exactly how because he was in several different social media platforms. So because of the fact that he committed suicide, we cannot talk to him. So we don't know how. So when we were drawing this bill we wanted to hit the radicalization We realized after many hours that we were not going to be able to do that without affecting due process without affecting basically the First Amendment and the Fourth Amendment. So when we got to looking at what already exists in the law, that was when we went to the duty to report topic. When we look at, for instance, First Amendment rights, the companies, that First Amendment right and freedom of speech is already out there when the person puts it on social media. So the company is not necessarily the person with the right. It's the person who put it out there on public forums. forums. And then looking at the Fourth Amendment, believe me, we sat as a team in my office for many hours wanting to make sure we did the right thing for the victims. We did the right thing for everyone. And so when we looked at the Fourth Amendment, it's a report. It's not to ask a social media platform to continue a search. What we're asking them to do is to report to law enforcement what it is that they have, to not search any further. That's our job. But report it. It goes back to the whole see something, say something. And when you look at the totality of it, to simplify it, it's no different than if you have an assault that's occurring in a public park and there's an eyewitness to it and that eyewitness calls 9-1-1. It's technically the exact same theory as that. So the media platform is basically calling 9-1-1 and saying, hey, we saw something. Can you take a report? Can you look further to see if there's a crime being committed here? So what we're asking with this bill is to just give us as law enforcement the ability to do our jobs. It's a tool to give us that report so that we can look at it and then we would have to do the work to find the probable cause, to move forward, to get a judge to understand that we have probable cause. And the judge would then sign off on that search warrant so that we could go further then to do our jobs to investigate a crime. Rep Clifford.
Thank you. I appreciate all of that. I'm also interested, do you have any sense at all, given that the Internet is a great big thing, what type of volume you might expect from these types of reports if all of a sudden Facebook is reporting a lot? I don't know if Facebook is even the end thing, Snapchat, whoever it is these days. Sheriff Marinelli.
Thank you, sir. the volume we've had a lot of discussion to that it's I can tell you the people talking about the volume thus far in the last six months have not been law enforcement it's been people outside of law enforcement that keep asking that my response is do you know how many resources and how much time it takes to investigate a mass shooting or a school shooting. I personally don't think it's going to cause us that much more time to do these. It's like I said, it's no different than a 911 call that comes on. Let us do our jobs. And as I stated earlier, back in 1999, we had our very first investigator in Jefferson County assigned to financial crimes We now have seven investigators doing that We have got to put the resources and the time in where it needed We no longer need to have an investigator quite frankly, that's jumping into people that are washing checks. That's a crime of the past. But we have to stay with technology. We have to stay with the times. If it means that law enforcement will have to take one investigator to do this and quite frankly it may not even have to be a post-certified deputy to take those calls and those reports from social media so if if i as as one of the people that helped to write this bill i don't see a problem with it um i'm not i'm not seeing that we would have that much more because like i said once we have a mass shooting once we have a school shooting, and in Jefferson County in my 40 years, we've had our fair share. The resources and the time it takes after the fact when we have to react to it is outrageous. It's a lot of time. It's a lot of resources. Let us have the ability to be proactive and stop them before they happen. And I'm telling you the time and the resources should be minimal compared to being reactive.
Further questions? Okay. Seeing none, thank you for your time and your testimony. Thank you. Thank you. Okay. Amy Harone, Victoria Hutchin, Sarah Post, Kim Halligan, Singh Palat, and Shana Fritzler. Singh Palat and Shana Fritzler are virtual. Okay, we'll start in the room with Amy Heron. You will have three minutes. State in the organization you represent, you may begin. the button is right by where the mic plugs in it's under that little red light there you go
hello my name is Amy Hidon I am the parent of a senior at high school a senior at Evergreen High School thank you for giving us the time today to tell you about a horrible day that happened in September in hopes that you'll support HB 26-1255 to possibly prevent the same thing from happening in the future. Today was a really hard day, as I thought back on what happened. I don't really want to remember any of that day. I don't want to tell it again, but I'm here because my son cares that I do. And so I hope that you will take us all very seriously and consider this bill as much as you can. I feel like I should be fine. It was 189 days ago, but it's also been 9,829 days since Columbine, 7,121 days since Plant Canyon and Emily Keys, 4842 days since Sandy Hook, 2554 days since Stoneman Douglas and we are still here talking about mass shootings in schools. I don't feel normal, I don't feel right, what happened is not normal. We cannot accept it as normal. I haven't given up hope that we can have schools that are safe and healthy for our kids. My son is 17. He's a senior. His schedule has been completely compressed because he missed almost three weeks of school, and he wants to get out of there completely. He doesn't want to go back. He's glad he's a senior, And I know there are other kids in the school that are not seniors and are looking at going back to the school again next year and facing the same place that this happened to them. We own a small retail business in Evergreen. And in the days that followed the shooting, the stories that we heard were crazy kids who kept running. They ran out of the school and kept running. They ran and they ran and they ran. kids who assisted the victims they tied tourniquets they dealt with blood they they did whatever they could kids who ran with their their trays of food because they didn't know what else to do because they were so scared kids who hid in garages the wave of emotion in our community was massive and i i know that it wasn't felt down here because we came down and it was like everything was normal and it wasn't for us um i never want anyone else to feel like this no child no teacher no parent no friend, no neighbor, no one ever again. And when I think about another policy, yet another iteration to address a horror like what happened in Evergreen, I don't know how to feel other than angry. We've done so much and it doesn't stop. But I think this bill is the right thing to do, and I think it's a good start to help us move forward, to learn and to address some of the mistakes and the errors that have been made so far. So I hope you'll support this bill and make sure that no other parent has to come in front of you again and talk about a horrible day that they really want to forget. Thank you.
Thank you. Okay, we'll now hear from Victoria Hutchin. You will have three minutes to any organization you represent. You may begin.
Good evening. My name is Victoria Hutchin. I lived in Evergreen, Colorado for 14 years with my husband, daughter, Evergreen High School class of 2025, and sons, classes of 2028 and 2031. I am PTA and an educator, so keeping kids and school staff safe has always been a priority. I also have a duty to report. On September 10, 2025, our then 15-year-old called at 1225 p.m. I will never forget hearing his out-of-breath voice blurting out, Mom, there were gunshots. We ran. I had been leaving for work and went straight down. The photo in that handout that you have in front of you can't possibly do justice to the tear that hit as I drove down the dirt road next to our school. You are looking at just a few of the backpacks, shoes, and water bottles that sprinting high schoolers had frantically dropped that I threw into my car, worried kids would lose things, as a neighbor shouted to anyone he saw that there was an active shooter. I'd been given the wrong address, was at a bad place at that time, and when I made it to the house where my son and about a dozen other students had sheltered, I gave hugs to boys who I had known in some cases for years, who were now in shock, filled with adrenaline, and just wanted to get home. The next couple of days were testament to what our town does in tough times. Hugs, tears, and determination to figure out how to start patching ourselves back together. On September 12th after leaving a community event a peer PTA teacher mom texted me about Desmond Holly TikTok account It had hundreds of videos and photos from months and months I reluctantly got his TikTok handle from someone how, why was this account still active, to see what was traumatizing our kids all over again.
The number of posts and reposts was astounding. I have a screen recording lasting four minutes and 10 seconds that starts at the top of his account and scrolls down. I didn't reach the bottom. There were highly disturbing and sometimes outright horrifying photos and videos with material related to violence, school shootings, including clear Columbine references, Nazi propaganda, anti-Semitism, and more. I skimmed comments to try and understand who this community was, where the evil was coming from. It was quickly clear that there is sickeningly strong community out there. There were memes encouraging and celebrating disturbing content and phrases like heroes. Anyone with basic knowledge about radicalization or extremism would know that all of these are bright red, burning flags right in front of our eyes. July. That is when the FBI received a report about a social media user who turned out to be Desmond Hawley. July is when my sophomore was starting to say, mom, this is going to be the best year ever. He was so excited for this school year. We have safe to tell, which has proven over and over again to be effective in helping prevent violence, abuse, and self-harm. Social media companies are not above the law. They have an obligation as content distributors to work with society, not against us. We ask that you pass this bill to keep the people you see, the people you sit here for, like the family, mine, that you see in that photo in that handout, living safe and healthy lives that are not filled with terror and trauma. Thank you for your persistent work on getting this bill passed. You are hearing from all of us from Evergreen. This is not an Evergreen issue. This is a national issue. This is a Colorado issue, and we are giving you all of that testimony today. So thank you for hearing us. Thank you. Okay, we'll now hear from Sarah Post. You will have three minutes to stay in the organization you represent. You may begin. My name is Sarah Post. I am a parent of two high schoolers in Evergreen. On September 10, 2025, my 17-year-old son walked into the hallway to refill his water bottle. He stopped for a moment to talk with the favorite teacher. Seconds later, he heard a loud noise, and just a few feet away, turned to see a gunman fire directly at him. My son ran. He followed his instincts, yelling torn others as shots followed behind him. He could have been killed. At home, minutes later, I got a text from my husband, a coach also at the school that day. Shooter in the school. I have Jackson. Charlie is running. Tara ran through my body. As I raced to get to my freshman daughter, she was running through a neighborhood, hearing gunshots behind her, surrounded by students screaming and crying, unsure if she was being chased or how close the danger really was. This was less than two weeks into her first year of high school. Across town, my 11-year-old sat in the dark, hiding under his desk. That was one day, and the impact does not end there. in the weeks and months since I have watched my children carry this with them my son struggles to sleep he's on edge constantly scanning his surroundings unsure of who might have a gun my daughter is afraid to be alone and get sick from the anxiety Some days just going to school feels overwhelming to both of them Unable to focus both were forced to reduce their class loads at school. They lost their appetites and then lost weight. Loud sounds still bring a feeling of fear into their bodies. Both of them now spend part of their lives in therapy trying to process something that no child should ever experience. As a parent, I feel it too, a loud noise or a siren and my body immediately goes into panic. My heart races, my brain on fire as I think of the worst and look to see if my family is safe. I make time for therapy and I even make time to be here today. This trauma has changed our family in immeasurable ways. The maddening part is knowing that it didn't have to happen. Had this social media bill already been in place, there would have been an opportunity to intervene months earlier, before a gun was ever brought into their school, and before my children had to run for their lives. So I'm asking you to act so other families don't have to relive this story. Thank you. Okay, our next witness is Kim Halligan. You will have three minutes. State any organization you represent. You may begin. Hi, my name is Kim Halligan. I'm a resident of Evergreen, Colorado, a mother of three school-aged children, and I'm speaking on behalf of my family and the grassroots nonprofit Stand Evergreen. Thank you for this opportunity today to speak. I am here to urge you to support the bill 26-12-55, the social media search warranty warrant and duty to report bill. On September 10th, my son's high school, Evergreen High School, experienced a shooting. Like so many families affected by school violence, we were left asking the painful question, could this have been prevented? Based on what we know, we believe that the events leading up to that day could have unfolded very differently if this legislation had been in place. 26-12-55 addresses a critical gap. It reduces delays in accessing time-sensitive information and establishes clear reporting obligations when credible threats appear online. When warning signs surface, speed does matter. Minutes and hours, they matter. This bill helps ensure law enforcement can act quickly while still respecting the due process. This is not about reacting after tragedy. It's about prevention. It's about giving authorities the tools they need to intervene before violence occurs. As parents, we send our children to school trusting that every reasonable measure is being taken to keep them safe. As lawmakers, you have the ability to strengthen that safety net. No family should experience what all of ours did. No warning sign should go unaddressed because processes took too long. We respectfully ask you to support this bill and take a meaningful step towards protecting Colorado's children, educators, and communities. Thank you for your time and your consideration. Thank you. Okay, we have two witnesses online. We'll start with Singh Palat. you will have three minutes. Stay in the organization you represent. You may begin. Thank you to this committee for allowing me to speak. My name is Singh Pallet. I live in Golden, Colorado. I'm speaking for myself. I am the mother of a ninth grader at Evergreen High School. On September 10th my little boy and yes he is still my little boy was just hanging out with his friends after lunch All of a sudden they were jolted by these loud gunshots Mom my son tells me when he remembers this, he was really mad. He was yelling. He had a big gun. He started shooting at us. I felt the shrapnel from the wall, and I just kept running. After my son got outside of the school, he stopped for a moment to catch his breath, but he was afraid that the shooter was still following him. So I just kept running some more. Later at home, he drew a picture of the shooter. He wondered if maybe a picture would help the police find him. The picture was exactly how he remembers it. An angry kid yelling, holding a big gun. And this image in my child's head hurts my heart. It has taken us many hours of trauma therapy as a family to even be able to talk about this school shooting without getting all choked up. Like other teenagers, my son spends hours each day on social media, on gaming platforms, and he thinks I don't know it. But even after everyone else in the house has gone to bed, he's still online doing all those things. And these platforms allow anonymous posters to express whatever they want to online. It can be hate and violence. This bill is much needed. For a social media company to sit on some information that's requested from law enforcement, some information that could have prevented this evergreen high school shooting on September 10th is completely unacceptable. I urge the committee to pass the bill to prevent further hate and violence. Please do this for our kids. Thank you. We'll now hear from Shana Fritzler. You'll have three minutes. Stay in the organization you represent. You may begin. Mr. Chair, members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to present to you today. My name is Shauna Fritzler. I'm the Executive Director of the D'Angelo Center Foundation. I'm here to support HB 1255, and I urge your support as well. Social media can be a wonderful way for people to connect to others. Data shows us that the majority of youth actually obtain their news from social media feeds, in addition to using it to connect with others from around the globe with similar interests. As a certified suicide prevention trainer, I have personally witnessed suicidal ideation on several social media platforms. Because of my training and connections, I've been able to assist several individuals and get them the help they need, but not 100% of the time. Sometimes it has ended in tragedy, which has ripple effects throughout communities for years, just as school shootings do. At the DeAngelo Center Foundation, we host multiple trainings pertaining to the red flag factors of suicidal and homicidal ideation. Those trainings focus on prevention, preparedness, response, and recovery. DHS and the FBI have warned that there is an urgent concern and increased threat from radicalization. In 2024, there were 9,354 incidents of extremism or anti-Semitism in the United States. In Colorado in 2024, there were 279 incidents of extremism and anti-Semitism. In our extremism and radicalization, training, we cover the psychology of violence. We cover case studies of various perpetrators, such as Elliot Roger of the Isla Vista killings, who was radicalized online. Our foundation was named after Frank DeAngelis, principal of Columbine. He frequently talks about the online obsession with Columbine. Nearly every school shooter has shown to be a member of an online discussion forum obsessed with Columbine. Our role in prevention is to be detectors, disruptors, or both. Ensuring that social media companies respond promptly to law enforcement to prevent tragedies, trauma, and death is a great start. I know that Attorney General Phil Weiser has made efforts in accountability and transparency with social media companies to protect our youth, and this bill is an excellent step in the right direction to ensure our responders are able to prevent tragedies before they happen. Primary prevention steps are taught in schools and in some homes, but not all. A few examples of those are social inclusion, combating marginalization and discrimination, fostering belonging and identity within communities, critical thinking and media literacy programs, equipping youth to question extremist narratives, teaching how to detect misinformation and conspiracy theories, community engagement, etc. A few secondary prevention factors include behavioral health counseling and family, peer, or school-based intervention, such as Safe to Tell. This bill has the potential to be a disruptor to violence and trauma in our communities, which lasts forever. The potential impacts of this bill are all positive and help us to build the world we want for our children. Thank you for your time. Happy to answer any questions. Thank you. Committee members, we have questions for this panel of witnesses. Ema Bacon. Thank you. My question is for Ms. Fritzler. It's good to see you again. I am curious about your experience and perhaps that of the centers of how you talk about work that's going on online. In the bill, this bill covers social media platform, and it's defined as not only the definition set forth elsewhere in the Consumer Protection Act, but it does say except that social media platform includes – includes an internet-based service or application in which the predominant or exclusive function is interactive gaming, virtual gaming, or an online service that allows the creation and uploading of content for the purpose of interactive or virtual gaming. So can you tell us a little bit more as well of what you see by way of the development of how gaming is used along with social media and what your, in your trainings, because you also work with law enforcement, and what it is that you all look for as well as ask for access to when you are seeking warrants. Ms. Fritzler. So the D'Angelo Center Foundation does not seek warrants, so we do. I sorry I didn mean to interrupt you Thank you for that I do know that you all are a training center but I curious in your work if you do talk about then how to do preventative work with the law enforcement if you do I sorry for the interruption Thank you Mr Chair Ms. Fritzluck. Yes, we do in those trainings, the extremism and radicalization training. Dr. Nicoletti teaches that most often, who you met this morning. We do go over those social media, so issues, and we also talk to families in separate trainings about what is going on online, particularly Discord servers. So there are lots of different platforms. Discord servers are not necessarily just a terrible platform because children and adults also do connect with each other. So and find common interests. And it's a great way for lots of people to connect, especially so many people are actually online much more than in person. So we do go through some of those pieces and then we we talk about that with Dr. Nicoletti when we have our law enforcement or even behavioral health professionals. So and educators who come to those extremism radicalization classes. Then we also do some of those social media digital safety trainings that we do with parents, families, community members to make sure that everybody has pieces so that we can all do our part, whether you're law enforcement or whether you are a parent. And then, sorry, do you do trainings with law enforcement also about how to engage or, you know, look through these platforms and what kind of questions they can either ask of the, I guess in this bill it would be a platform operator, as well as some of the student users? Ms. Fritzler. So, sorry, not how to engage with platforms in particular, but we do cover threat, identifying threats. So those two trainings combined, so would give you a lot of information. And then our law enforcement partners are the ones who would do those warrants and work directly with social media platforms. So certainly if we have parents or people who are concerned about something that they see, we encourage reporting of those things. So whether it's extortion or anything else to law enforcement, if for some reason someone is uncomfortable reporting to law enforcement, we have in some cases taken the information and gone to law enforcement ourselves. So to let them know that this is out there and this has happened. Okay. Thank you. Other questions? Okay. Seeing none, thank you so much for your time and testimony. Thank you for sharing your personal stories. Okay. We have one panel registered in opposition. I'm going to call them up now. John Evans. And is there anyone in the room who wishes to testify? If you're here in the room and you would like to testify against the bill, please come forward. And then online we have Joel Benjamin Linwena Davis and Matthew Knox Okay great We'll start with our witness in the room, John Evans. You'll have three minutes. You may begin. Oh, make sure you push the button under the light there. Yep. Is it on now? Okay. Good evening, Mr. Chair and members of the committee. My name is John Evans, and I'm here on behalf of myself. in opposition to this bill. I had an eight-year career in IT, and I now serve the state of Colorado at the Department of Public Health and Environment, where my work is mostly software development. I also have been contributing to open-source software for nearly 15 years. Let me start by acknowledging that the shooting at Evergreen High School was and remains unimaginably tragic. Big tech companies need to be held to account, and given how much money they make, they should definitely be putting enough resources towards ensuring that a delay in information dissemination like the one that happened here never happens again on any of their platforms. The spirit of this bill is in the right. That said, this bill, as written, will have very sweeping side effects. Removing the 100,000 user lower limit and requiring a staffed 24-7 hotline will create an insurmountable burden on small federated social media services. Lots of open source software exists that is used for these services, with Mastodon, Lemmy, Matrix, and Frendica being some of the most popular examples. From what public data is available, there are over 14,000 users across over 90 Frendica instances. There are over 487,000 users across over 450 Lemmy instances. There are an unknown number of users across over 4,100 Matrix instances. and there are over 8.4 million users across over 9,100 Mastodon instances. Most of these over 13,700 instances are run by individuals on a volunteer basis, often out of a computer in their bedroom closet, and have few to a few hundred users worldwide, with each instance considered a separate social media platform under this bill if any one of their users is in Colorado. I personally plan to run a Mastodon or Frendica instance for my local community, and I currently run a Matrix instance for my friends and family. None of the volunteer-run sites, such as my own, are capable of complying with the requirements of this bill. This also puts an undue burden on small organizations that may want to move away from big tech services like Slack or Discord to something that they control locally. Finally, there is no barrier a site can put in place that can prevent a person in Colorado from using their service. So there is no way for a volunteer-run site to opt out of serving people in Colorado. I ask the committee members vote no on this bill as written. Thank you. Thank you. Okay, turning online, we'll go to Joel Benjamin. You'll have three minutes state in the organization you represent. You may begin. Good evening, Chair, members of the Judiciary. Hello, Coloradans. My name is Joel. I'm a software engineer with 20 years of experience in system security, specifically focused on protecting individual privacy from unethical digital surveillance. I want to be clear, I share the profound desire of this committee to prevent another tragedy like the one we suffered at Evergreen High and the many we've suffered over the years. However, I am here today to testify in opposition to this bill because it is a flawed technical solution that will not prevent any of the experiences that families and community members have testified on so far today Certain there are more to come I so sorry for your losses and our collective losses The fact is this bill will not protect educators students or anybody else For this bill to eventually become a responsible law, it needs to meet two thresholds that it currently does not. The first is evidence of efficacy. There is no rigorous evidence that compelling social media companies to push bulk data to law enforcement prevents this level of mass harm. This is what we call in my industry security theater. Law enforcement incentives incentivizes over collection of data rather than effective collection. The sponsors of this bill carry a certain burden here, proof that this will work without simply relying on stories told by chiefs of police and without depending on social media sites to determine on their own which content meets a reportable threshold. The second, of course, is false positives. As an engineer, I can tell you exactly how this bill will be implemented by social media sites automation. They will not hire thousands of experts to review nuance. They do not understand the language of extremism. They'll use algorithms and AI, possibly in violation of state law, to flag keywords. This bill will funnel thousands of innocuous posts from Colorado citizens into police databases. Individuals who've been flagged will have no idea they've been flagged. This bill provides no mandate for data retention limits or any transparency. We're essentially creating a permanent suspicion list, think George W. Bush era, for teenagers and anybody else who may express Anything from violent ideas to political dissent, dark humor, angst, any of the above. Surveillance tools are only as ethical as those who use them. Just two weeks ago, the Marshall Project detailed how a police officer abused the flock license plate readers to stalk his girlfriend and her ex-boyfriend over 170 times. When we compel private companies to hand over digital lives of Coloradans without a warrant, we aren't just looking for bad guys. We're providing a tool set for domestic abusers, stalkers, and biased actors within the system to target vulnerable folks. I encourage us to not trade the illusion of safety for a certainty of state surveillance. If we want our schools to be safe, we must provide actual resources to children, school employees, working families. If any digital interaction is a potential police report, digital interactions may drop, but violence in our communities will continue. Please vote no on this bill, and let's work together to come up with something that serves our neighbors better. Thank you. Thank you. Okay, we'll now hear from Matthew Knox. You'll have three minutes. State and the organization you represent. You may begin. Good evening, Mr. Chair and members of the Judiciary Committee. My name is Matthew Knox. I'm here representing myself as a resident of Broomfield. My career and expertise are in the tech industry. I'm actively involved in our local tech community, including serving as an organizer for the DevOps Days Rockies Conference for over 10 years. I'm here today to express my concerns with this bill. While I really support the stated goal of this bill and emphasize with the stories that have been shared here today, in its current form, this bill risks doing more harm to individuals and small businesses while further entrenching monopolies already held by large tech companies. Specifically, the bill proposes to amend the definition of a social media platform in Colorado from has more than 100,000 users to has one or more users. In practice, requirements like this create additional barriers to entry, making it even more difficult for new platforms to emerge while reinforcing the dominance of existing large tech companies. which would significantly expand the scope of the law in a way that places unreasonable burden on individuals and small operators. For example, I run a small service to play board games with my family out of state. Under this proposed language, I would be required to maintain a 24-7 hotline to respond to search warrants and requests from law enforcement. That's just not feasible for an individual or small-scale project. Beyond this provision, the broader language of this bill is pretty vague. It doesn't clearly define how information obtained, whether through law enforcement requests or proactive reporting, is to be stored or managed or used. There's also no clear guidance on whether, when, or how individuals be notified that their data has been requested or obtained. These gaps raise serious concerns about how personal information could be handled and the impact on individual privacy. The current language is overly broad, operationally unrealistic, and poses serious risks to individual privacy. Without clear safeguards and accountability, bill risks undermining individual privacy while causing far more harm than good. For these reasons, I urge you not to advance this bill as written and send it back for comprehensive review. Thank you for your time. Okay, committee members, questions. A.M.L. Bacon. Thank you. My question is for Mr. Knox. I'm sorry, I'm not sure if I heard you fully. I guess my question generally is, if the issue and concern is about size of platform, what do you anticipate or believe your response time could be to warrants? because regardless of this bill, it's not like there couldn't be one requested of you. So I guess my question for you all is given in your experience then, what would you articulate as your capacity to respond? Or perhaps one of you can answer, but I thought I heard you say that, so I'm sorry. Yeah, and I can take a quick stab at it. I mean, I run a couple of small services for my community, for my family. I definitely would have my best effort to respond to anything. And I do think an eight-hour response window is not necessarily unreasonable. It does call out a 24-7 hotline, if I remember correctly. I may not have read that. And that just isn't possible. Yeah, I mean, I do think eight hours still sounds a little long or a little short. 24 hours feels reasonable for a pretty small platform that is just something I'm running for friends and family. Thank you. Mr. Benjamin, you have your hand up. Yeah, just to briefly add to that, there's maybe a material difference between response. When inquired from outside of one of us, you just heard from three people who run software systems casually. In quantities meant for less than 50 people, probably board game sorts of things, connecting with friends who went to college out of state. There's a material difference, in my opinion, between responding to a warrant. And I think all of us, whatever our opinions might be of surveillance technology and its pervasiveness, would do so gladly because it's the law and because we do believe in a greater good There a material difference between that and surfacing our own content sufficient that we report it proactively identify the correct jurisdiction to escalate it to identify that content in a way that it meets the requirements of possible extremist content, to paraphrase, to identify it, to escalate it, to know where it needs to be escalated, and to do so in a way that is correct, safe, encrypted, and doesn't violate privacy of folks who might otherwise be in protected classes or who expect a certain level of privacy baseline. Hey, Mel Bacon. Thank you. I can appreciate that. But I think maybe for the entire panel, you know, we're talking about, I think from when I just heard, platforms from, you know, 515 people to 90,900, I guess, since that's what's written into the bill. And so do you feel like then there are opportunities to be more specific about the size of these platforms to understand their capacities and also understand what they do. And so one, for, is it Mr. Benjamin? I can, you know, I thank you for your questions and also kind of the point that you made by way of compelling your own content. But I do think that there is a space in law currently where warrants are issued for looking for a lot of information. The whole point of warrants is you have to have cause because of presumptions on privacy. And so I am curious, given the expertise of this panel, what is it that you understand about the size of these platforms and how would you otherwise differentiate, whether it's with terminology or anything else? Mr. Evans? Thank you, Mr. Chair. I know for my union, for instance, we are talking about setting up a forum to get rid of Slack. We have on the order of 10,000 people. I don't think that we have money for staffing a 24-7 hotline on top of that. so as sort of a rough lower limit I would say 10,000 that's just me right and then with the language it gets really hard you know the the way that a lot of these things work is is it's small platforms that all talk to each other so that two users it appears like it's one big thing, right? And you know, adding language in there about federation or something like that might work, but then you have Meta, which has started to federate their threads service with Mastodon. So the scale there is immense. And so I really don't know the answer. Mr. Benjamin? Thank you all It a complex question that I would say your federal colleagues have done a poor job of addressing and we doing our best in the best of faith I want to start by saying the word platform does not appear in section 230 That's a word that deserves a definition for everybody in the room with you, everybody in the public library behind me and in the whole state, probably the world. So that adds complexity. As the gentleman before me points out, software systems talk to each other. Federation is a fancy word that I'm not going to give an adequate definition to, but he's right in my opinion. I believe Representative Soper in a previous bill testimony asked about where servers exist physically that might be serving certain content to folks. That's a relevant question that in our world we don't think a lot about. We are more focused on high availability of software services. And if I can put a server closer to you so that the page loads faster and the video is cleaner, I will certainly do that because it is to our collective benefit. I guess it becomes complex. One of the questions I would have about the bill more broadly is defining number of users in a given jurisdiction. I would call that problem prohibitively difficult without hiring a lot of either external contractors to figure it out if I'm working at the scale of a Facebook or Twitter. These are hard thresholds to measure. I'm not saying they don't matter. I'm saying they are difficult to measure. And as soon as a software system engages with another, for example, we'll say Stripe, a payment platform. I don't know where their servers are, but I don't know if I'm a Coloradan who's accessing a server in Ashburn, Virginia, if I now count as a Virginian, if this same kind of law were to be passed by their legislature. All right. Further questions? Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you to our panel. I want to ask about, and I think we have at least a witness who's heard about, who's here, I think, through some of our Fourth Amendment discussions on searches and seizures. And in looking at this bill, one of the issues that arises for me is the question of responsibility that we as government legislator would be placing on the IT people to make a determination of when to turn over the information and therefore act as the government in these circumstances. And I guess, so the legal issue in that case is compelling state. If the state compels you to do something, does that trigger a Fourth Amendment issue for us to be thinking about in the context of how this bill is written? So my question to you is, would you view the obligations as drafted in this bill as a compelling of the state to engage in a determination? Because my concern is we're saying you have to determine when to turn over information to the police. I think at that point you're not acting as a third party or as someone who's just out on the street, but my thing is there's some compelling of the state action. Could you please address that if you may? I think I'll start with Mr. Benjamin, but if anybody else wants to answer as well. Mr. Benjamin?
Thank you, Chair, Representative. I'm not an attorney. I'm not a lot of things that I'd like to be. And from a technical and policy perspective I don have some of the answers to some of this in particular or to solve the problem that this bill seeks to solve I think forgive any phrases that sound like they might match something in the law I want to be very careful that that's not deliberate if it happens. The first question I would ask is how would independent proprietors, often working for free. We're making little services that we think are fun or funny that don't come with an explicit harmful message or outcome. Think the kind of sign I might hold in protest outside the General Assembly, the building you're all in right now, and you might drive by it and say, that's a reasonable political take that I do or don't agree with. it's hard for us to know where that speech starts and ends. There might be language, maybe foreign language stuff. There might be deep internet culture stuff, phrases. If you all have children under the age of 15, there are two numbers that said back to back really gets the kids going. I don't understand what it means or why. I'm led to believe it's innocuous. My own 10-year-old leads me to believe it's innocuous. But I would have no way of knowing without researching it. And that's recall. There's a difference between recall. I'm sorry, that's recognition. If you give me four things and say one of these might be offensive, I can then go look it up. But if I'm just looking at a bunch of plain text or images and I don't understand the implications behind them, it's almost prohibitive for me to look at every piece of content I have and proactively research what it might mean, what it might have meant in the context by the person who shared it, and whether their intent was malicious or not. I'm trying to give you as black and white an answer as I can. There are other implications here. For example, there are think tanks and civil society groups like the Anti-Defamation League that identify patterns of hate speech that a reasonable person might look at and say, in the ADL's case in particular, this is a valid criticism of the state of Israel and their actions. It does not actually represent anti-Semitic language or speech. And of course, I want to cap this off. No part of this conversation has anything to do with First Amendment protected speech or expression, because in every case we're describing, the platforms are nominally private. When we talk about government compelling speech or government compelling participation from technical proprietors like us, we're three individuals. I've never met these gentlemen in person. They seem lovely. But ranging from them to large scale organizations, it gets prohibitively complicated. I will say there was a big push in the late 2010s for organizations like Facebook to have independent panels trying to look for these things proactively. That is financially expensive. It's a lot of work. I think it's noble. I would really love to see that kind of thing take fold. I'm going to leave it there and allow the others to speak and engage follow up as appropriate.
Mr. Evans?
Yeah, I'll also say that I am not a lawyer. I guess as a more disturbing and explicit example, of the 6-7 that Mr. Benjamin was referring to. There is a very famous example of a clear through line of a drawing of a person wearing a purple and green striped shirt goes back like 10 generations of memes and is explicitly to those who made it a sexual assault joke. But to anyone looking at it who was not part of the people that made it, they would have no idea.
Rep. Espinoza. Thank you. So the follow-up to that is, under the way the bill is written, do you feel you would have to report that because you have knowledge that that is a meme that relates to assault or not? I'm just trying to see where our direction would require you to act as tech.
Mr. Evans. Thank you. In the language of the bill, and I could be missing something here, but it seems like the thing that triggers this response is another user reporting something. so under that case like i i can't see this as being too much of an issue just that something needs to be reported but then it goes back to um it may be possible for us to know where this person is, but with VPNs and tunnels and Tor, you know, for any service where you don't know every single person in there, you're not going to know all the time where they are and which law enforcement agency to report to.
Rep. Spinoza. I just have, I guess, one more follow-up. And I wish we had the larger tech people here because I think that your smaller sites that you've described, I think, don't necessarily trigger the same kinds of issues. Because I don't know if any of your sites take adverse actions. That's one of the other words in the bill against a user. And if so, could those adverse actions, and you're familiar with even other websites, be based on something that would not be likely to lead to the kind of harm we're trying to protect in this bill?
Who is that for?
Mr. Benjamin? Mr. Chair, Representative, it's a fine question that I might ask for clarification on. I think adverse action, one would be just explicitly removing content from a platform or removing a user from a platform outright. I don't think we're all exactly working with terms of service. I don't think anything we're doing is providing a service that we expect to do anything other than help roll dice for Dungeons and Dragons kinds of things like but platforms all the same. I think there's a separate question of if conduct reaches a level of harm that we would consider harmful with no regard for the law. I not saying we ignoring it I not saying we don care I saying we not in a situation where conduct speech or whatever that might look like again lowercase s for speech we not First Amendment here I think our instinct would probably be in some order the following steps. One, we remove it. Two, we do everything we can to make sure it doesn't come back. um maybe we it's not unusual i've worked at trip advisor many many years ago and we were working on trying to remove offensive language from our website again i speak in my personal capacity here but it won't surprise you that a social media like website that depends on people finding each other's user written content has a an outsized interest in that content being palatable Again, not a legal term. So we'd want to remove it. The other things I think about, of course, are protecting our own users. Again, subjective. And in certain cases, we operate on platforms. A lot of the Internet's hosted by Amazon Web Services. Google, Microsoft have similar offerings, all kinds of hosting providers. We wouldn't want to be in violation of their terms. And given that none of the three of us panelists, to the best of my knowledge, are attorneys or public policy experts, we're very likely to shade very far away from anything that might put us in harm's way in those circumstances. I'm sorry that we're layers into hypothetical here. We care deeply about the same issues that everybody in the room cares about and as proprietors of individuals or small groups. yeah, I think we would take proactive steps to the best of our knowledge. I have no idea at what point that flips a switch to escalate to law enforcement. In particular, in the circumstance I described earlier of I have users in multiple states. I have no way of discovering what those state laws are. I guess I could imagine a hypothetical where every piece of text that's posted by a user has to be run through various states detectors. The same way if you post a comment on Instagram about somebody you don't like or an offensive comment, I should say, it'll say, are you sure you want to post that? It tries to limit you from doing it in the first place. But in this case, we're talking about the government actually providing something like that. And that moves a lot of that effort onto, you know, you all to develop a computer, a technical system that can detect that sort of thing with any level of sophistication. It's not lack of faith in any of you as individuals or as a group to have doubt that that's a likely outcome for any of us, which is too bad. And I want to add to what Mr. Evans, I believe his name is, said a moment ago. I testified in that room about a year ago on a bill having to do with rights for transgender folks. And I found some of the people who testified in that room later on Twitter, there's a single emoji of a common animal that you might have had as a child that portends serious harm to everybody who's not a born cisgender man. It is one emoji. It's complicated. I don't have a good answer here, but I am trying to paint the picture that this is the kind of conduct that becomes unwieldy quickly. I don want to put words in Rep Espinosa mouth but I think there a reluctance that you know we not your enemies We small folks We might know everybody on our platforms by name can probably recite them. You might be talking more about very large platforms who might have an outsized responsibility given their monopoly behaviors and given their outsized influence on society as a whole, culture as a whole, that they might provide a team that looks at this independently with folks who have knowledge across languages and across generations of English speakers to proactively identify these patterns and create something that resembles a pattern for software engineers to be able to match against.
Further questions? Okay. No, she said she was good. All right. Thank you so much for being here. Thank you for your time and for your testimony. Okay. Next panel, Andrew Harrison, Beth Clark, Aaron Kinworthy, Haley Shea McMore, who is virtual, and Tyler Guyton. Okay. Okay. Do we have Andrew Harrison? Okay. Okay, let's start with our witnesses in the room. Beth Clark, you will have three minutes to state in the organization you represent. You may begin. Did I get the button pushed? Good. Yes. Good evening.
My name is Beth Clark, and I live in Evergreen. I'm here representing my family and my community. My oldest son, Teddy, a 10th grader, was inside Evergreen High School during the shooting on September 10th. Around lunchtime, our family, including my seventh grader, in lockdown at the middle school nearby, received a text from Teddy that said, I love you guys. We knew nothing else other than very quickly that there was a shooter at the high school. And after that text, we didn't know, for what seemed like forever, if Teddy was okay. Finally, we heard Teddy was okay. He ran to the band room and into the band director's office, and they barricaded themselves in the room while the room took fire. six months later the shooting still affects our family every single day every single night teddy who is now 15 years old has nightmares we all have anxiety my younger son 12 years old has recently recently six months ago started having panic attacks the sound of walkie-talkies the sound of announcements at school, lockdown drills, even or maybe especially ordinary school days, bring those terrifying moments rushing back. Trauma counseling is ongoing. As a parent, it's incredibly painful to watch your kids carry this fear. The shooter had posted about violent intentions months before the attack. if adverse actions were reported by the social media platform this shooting could have been prevented if search warrants were addressed by the social media platform faster this shooting could have been prevented No child should ever have to sit in a room that takes gunfire like Teddy did. No family or sibling should ever have to sit with that kind of fear that mine has. No social media platform should get to sit on threats or warrants. Reporting and timely response could have saved my family and our entire community a lifetime of dealing with this trauma. I know we can't change what happened in Evergreen. I know you can't go back and do it again. I know you would if you could. But we can respond and prevent future harms. I respectfully ask for your support to pass this bill. Thank you.
Thank you. Okay, next we'll hear from Erin Kinworthy. You will have three minutes. State in the organization you represent. You may begin. Thank you.
Good evening, Chair, members of the committee. My name is Erin Kenworthy, and I serve as the first vice president on the Jefferson County School Board. I'm a proud parent of two Jeffco students and a former high school classroom educator, and tonight I'm here to testify with the express permission and on behalf of the Jeffco Board. I'd like to thank Representative Story and Senator Cutter for working with Jeffco Sheriff Marinelli and other school and community partners for addressing the direct impacts of systemic failure in the search warrant process in response to the tragic events of September 10th. I'm grateful to CD7 Rep. Pedersen for drafting a similar bill to introduce at the federal level, and I'm especially grateful for the students, parents, staff, and community in Evergreen for taking the time to be here this evening to speak with you about their desire to make a real and possible change for all of us who are concerned about keeping our schools safe. jefferson county has been and is again forever changed by school violence in evergreen and in jeffco we raise we rise in support of our impacted community and ask you to support hb 26 1255 we need your partnership to further increase safety measures that create safe schools for colorado's most valuable natural resource our children and our youth as a school board we believe it is our shared responsibility to do everything within our ability to provide the safest and healthiest school environments possible. We are committed to a variety of robust and expansive preventative and responsive measures to reduce and ultimately prevent school violence. We are here to support this bill because it further strengthens our ability to prevent harm and provide an educational experience that our community and that all Colorado communities deserve. This bill addresses the digital vacuum where threats often grow. It demands two critical changes from social media companies. One prompt response. Tech companies can and must respond promptly to search warrants with urgency. In a crisis, minutes are the difference between an intervention and a tragedy, and we simply cannot afford and must not allow these capable companies to let days, weeks, or months pass in between a viable threat and a life-saving intervention. We request responsible partnership from social media companies, no matter their size, and ask for a modicum of self-policing. Help us help you. The second one being proactive reporting. Platforms already monitor their own policy violations for multiple reasons and we ask for a requirement that social media platforms implement systems that alert law enforcement when their own platform policies regarding threatening or criminal behavior are violated. They can no longer be passive observers to the violence planned on their platforms. We are tired of offering thoughts and prayers as a substitute for policy. Our community is grieving and we are resolved. If any one community or any one individual has spared the trauma of school violence, this bill will have been worth the effort. And on behalf of our students and families who urge you to pass this bill forward and that our lives and our students' lives are our highest priority.
Thank you. Okay, now we'll hear from Tyler Guyton. You will have three minutes. State in the organization you represent. You may begin.
Mr. Chair, members of the committee, thank you for your time today. I apologize. I could not be there in person. Nobody likes to talk about these issues, and hearing these stories, they're still making me sick to my stomach. But on behalf of everyone testifying today, thank you for having the bravery and the courage to listen to us. For everyone testifying, this is what it means to be Evergreen Strong. Thank you for showing up. My name is Tyler Guyon. I'm a 12th grade student and a student body president at Evergreen High School. Over the past six months, I've seen firsthand the impacts that grief, trauma, and shock have had on our community. I've been honored to be involved in several community and state recovery and prevention efforts in September. and I have heard the calls to action from students, parents, and community members alike. Today, Evergreen joins the hundreds, if not thousands, of communities all throughout our country that call for greater protections on behalf of the most vulnerable, us kids. While Colorado ranks amongst the highest in gun safety, more action must be taken. We must explore every possible gap in our system that allows hate and violence to seep through. We must approach the root cause and explore every scenario, not only to save future lives of Coloradans, but to set a brave new precedent that I hope our fellow states will follow. Gun violence and the traumatization of young people go far beyond party lines. Those who seek out the vulnerable and use hate and fear to hurt others do not care about left or right. They do not care about liberal or conservative. That is why we must have a bipartisan agreement to this grave problem that we all face. In early July, digital warning signs were triggered that a high school-age student was not only in danger to himself, but those around him. The process and the protocol was followed, but because our law prevents law enforcement from being proactive, we were too late. We missed it. We in Evergreen, we have been through the unimaginable. We have been instilled with a fear since we were in the early years of elementary school, a fear that we wish never came true, and a fear that, yes, did come true. but not necessarily a fear that has to happen again. September 10th, 2025 was a dark day. And while our innocence and sense of safety has been shattered, a brave and hopeful idea has been born out of the chaos, an idea that will save lives. Establishing a duty to report, shrinking the response window for warrants are not only an appropriate measure, but absolutely necessary in this digital age. For social media platforms, it's simply a cost of doing business and a necessary next step to curve the tide of digital radicalization, especially of young people. On behalf of all students in Evergreen who are still healing in various ways, the parents who have had to learn how to cope with this new normal, and the countless other communities who have been impacted by this terrible hate, I urge you to support proactiveness, support our law enforcement, and do your part to help save the lives of children. Vote yes on House Bill 1255. Thank you for your time, and I'm happy to answer any questions.
Thank you. And then one last call for Andrew Harrison or Haley McMore. Haley McMore should be virtual. Okay. Oh, yes. Okay. Okay Hayley McMoore you will have three minutes State any organization you represent, you may begin. Wonderful.
Thanks so much for letting me join Virtually. I was there earlier today but had to come home to put my son to bed. Thank you, members of the Judiciary Committee, for hearing my testimony today. My name is Haley Shea McMoerr. I'm a member of the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office Citizens Advisory Council, and I'm testifying in support of House Bill 26-1255. When I heard of the shooting at Evergreen High School on September 10th, my heart dropped. Gun violence in our schools is always devastating, but this is close to home. As a former Evergreen High School student, I know how exposed those children must have felt in the cafeteria, band hall, and main hallway of the school. My mind was racing thinking of the kids I used to babysit who were now students at Evergreen High School, flooded with fear and feeling powerless. I held my infant son tight to my chest and hoped everyone would make it home safe. In the days following the shooting, I learned how the kids I babysat hid in classrooms, ran through hallways, and fled the school to seek refuge in surrounding houses. I followed the news closely for updates on the injured and held the families in my heart. Then I read the FBI statement to Nine News. In July 2025, the FBI opened an assessment into a social media account user whose identity was unknown, and it was discussing the planning of a mass shooting with threats non-specific in nature. During the assessment investigations, the identity of the account user remained unknown. My heartache evolved into rage. We could have stopped this. The child who plotted and executed this violence against his classmates and ultimately died by suicide was known to law enforcement. He made threats and cries for help online. But under current law, online platforms were able to drag their feet when responding to warrants while his plans became actions. The students, families, teachers, staff and community of Evergreen High School are forever changed by the violence they experienced on September 10th. 10th. This bill could prevent others from experiencing the trauma by shortening the timeline for online platforms to respond to warrants. For the safety of our communities and to keep our children safe, I urge you to vote yes on House Bill 26-1255. Thank you.
Thank you. Okay, committee members, do we have questions for this panel of witnesses? Okay, seeing no questions, thank you for your time and your testimony. Okay, the next panel is going to be all virtual. The Honorable Evie Hudak, Jake Norton, Mark Longshore, and Peter Barkman. Okay. Okay I actually going to combine some panels here with some in folks Andrew Spears Colin Boot Nicole King Stephanie Seavers and online Julie Boulding. Okay. We'll start with our testimony in the room before going to our virtual witnesses. Let's start with Andrew Spears. You will have three minutes. State in the organization you
represent. You may begin. My name is Andrew Spears. I'm a teacher at Evergreen and coach, and I've been in education for 25 years. On September 25th, my entire world changed. I was eating lunch with my colleagues and friends and we heard a rumble of students running down the hallway. At first, we assumed it was just kids goofing off. Like we've done countless times before, we instinctively got up to check on the situation. As we approached the door, the lock's light out of sight alarm went off, something that I heard many times during drills. And in that moment, I wasn't immediately afraid, but a handful of us teachers felt something was off, and our instincts kicked in. We opened the door as we were trained and looked for students we could bring into the room safely. The main hallway was completely empty with the exception of one student. His back partially turned and was looking down, appearing confused. My first thought was it might be one of our special needs students who didn't know what to do. I started directing him to come to us into the room. that student then turned toward us and opened fire narrowly missing me and my colleagues learning later he wasn't lost he was reloading immediately took cover shut the door and locked it and turn off the lights from all from on that moment on all we could do was listen and listen each gunshot and wonder what happened outside the room we knew one of the teachers that was with us was missing and that not knowing was torture. When it was over, everything had changed. Two of our students were in the hospital and many more were left with fear and trauma that will never fully heal. And that's why I'm here today. Because in many cases like this, the warning signs don't start in the hallway. They start online. We recognize that the digital world moves fast, but right now, our systems for protecting people in that place are not keeping up. This bill is about closing that gap in a practical, targeted, and responsible way. Everyday law enforcement agencies face urgent situations involving social media, credible threats of violence, self-harm, exploitation, or planned crimes. In these critical moments, it's not just important, it's everything. Time is everything. Yet too often, officers encounter delays, unclear process, or no direct way to reach the platforms that hold the vital information. This bill helps fix that. This bill takes a law already in place and simply shortens the social media's time to respond and also requires a platform's report to credible and intimate threats. These are not vague concerns, emojis. These are specific actionable warnings that, if ignored, can lead to tragedy. This legislation does not expand surveillance. It does not remove judicial oversight. Warrants are still required. what it does ensure is responsiveness accountability and coordination when it matters the most passing this bill means faster response times better communication and ultimately safer communities and schools I urge you to support it Thank you Thank you
Okay, next, Colin Booth. You will have three minutes to stay in the organization you represent. You may begin. Thank you.
My name is Colin Booth. I have been teaching for 28 years, 24 of which I have spent at Evergreen High School. Even before September 10th, I had decided that this was to be my last year of teaching. I distinctly remember that when our principal asked me what I wanted to accomplish this year I responded with I want to have fun I want to teach some of my favorite books and units and I want to leave on a really high note well September 10th radically changed everything about the school year I'm a much different person than I was before that day and the students who were in the building that day are also much different people many of us have developed trauma bonds Andrew Nicole and myself are three examples because we were in the same place and had nearly identical experiences. And I genuinely worry about many of my students' mental health in the coming years, especially those that come into my room every day to ostensibly check on me and how I am doing. When I also know that because of their experiences, they need a place where they can start the day feeling comfortable while also knowing that they have a place and a person they can trust who understands what they're going through. By this time in my career, I think I have a pretty good understanding of how the system has failed and continues to fail our students. The more I learn about the events of September 10th, the more failure I see. My own school district ignored many years' worth of safety and security concerns, yet with one glaring example, they were able to fix it within two weeks of the shooting. I genuinely believe that there is a very large and powerful sector of American society that simply doesn't care about kids, and they care even less about teachers and public education. We could have changed the system many times over to make our students safer and while things are marginally better, I don't believe that we've really put our money where our mouths are. We now have an opportunity to fix a major flaw in the system. If we would have known what the shooter was planning and thinking and posting in an actually timely fashion, this horrible tragedy might have been averted. While I acknowledge that there is no such thing as perfection in any system, shouldn't every opportunity to improve it and make people safer be embraced i'm sure there are reasonable probably financial reasons that people will oppose this bill but i would ask if they were in the same position as we were in august and september would they be willing to wait for more than a month to respond to threatening or violent social media posts that targeted them i don't think so i sincerely hope that this committee votes to move this bill forward as i truly believe that it will save lives. That's not an understatement. Stopping the scourge of school shootings should literally be one of the most important actions any legislature can take, but I feel there's very little political or even moral will to actually do something substantial. This bill could be
significant. It could put people on law enforcement's radar, and they could act in a much more timely way to hopefully prevent others from going through what we've been through and continue to go through. I implore you to take this step and make our schools safer. Thank you. Thank you. Nicole King, you will have three minutes to state in the organization you represent. You may begin. My name is Nicole King. I'm a teacher at Evergreen High School. And I'm here today to urge you to pass legislation requiring social media companies to comply with a search warrant within 24 hours when a credible online threat has been made. On September 10th, 2025, I, along with many people in this room, experienced a school shooting. Several of my colleagues and I, while looking for students to move to safety, encountered the gunman, one of our own students we were shot at. Bullets struck the doorframe and ripped the gun. into the wall beside us. We survived, but we were not unharmed. Being shot at by a student we cared for broke my heart and my sense of safety in a place that should have been secure. But what makes this event even more tragic, as you've already heard, is it was preventable. Law enforcement had already secured the warrant. They were working on identifying the person who had made the threat. It was the media platform who failed to respond in a timely manner. That online threat became our physical reality. That delay cost us an opportunity to stop the shooting before it happened. Because of this, two students were severely wounded and an entire community of staff and students have been left with deep, permanent scars. The impact of that day didn't end when the shooting stopped. Even now, when I hear students raise their voices, even in excitement, I feel panic and I instinctively listen for gunshots. I keep my classroom door closed at all times and I check every person, even administration, before I let them in my room. And I no longer allow backpacks in my classroom because I'm afraid of the weapons that could be hidden inside. The reality is I'm still living in the aftermath of that delay every single day. This is how I teach now. This is what school has become. I didn't want to come here today. Speaking about this reopens wounds that are still very raw for me. But if this law had existed last summer, there would have been a real chance to stop it before it happened. It should not take a month for a company to respond when there is a credible, imminent threat to children or anyone. I know this bill won't stop every school shooting, but combined with other security measures, it is one more way to act faster, to intervene sooner, and to protect our students and teachers. You cannot undo what happened to us that day, but you can act to prevent it from happening again. Please support this bill. Thank you. Okay. Stephanie Seavers, you'll have three minutes state in the organization you represent. You may begin. Now it's on. I'm the engineering teacher. I'm Stephanie Sievers. I teach science and engineering at Evergreen High School. On September 10th, I fled the sounds of gunfire and sheltered with students and some other staff at a nearby rec center. It was a terrifying and chaotic day, but it wasn't the worst day people had. Students were shot. Other students and faculty were shot at, chased, trapped in a room watching the window get shot at, and more. I almost did not volunteer to come testify today because I feel like I'm doing pretty well. I feel like I'm emotionally resilient. And so many more of my colleagues could give more harrowing testimony. I think that they could help you understand just the terror of being in that day better than I can. But a lot of those people started saying they didn't feel like they could come here today. They said they couldn't get through this without crying, that they couldn't face having to talk about it and relive it, and they just couldn't come. So I agreed to come and speak for them. Here's the thing, though. A month ago, there was an event that made me realize that even I am not doing as well as I thought that I was. On February 12th, we were all at the high school for parent-teacher conferences, and in the middle of that, I got a call from my husband telling me that there was an active shooting incident in Evergreen a couple of miles away from the high school, and I started to panic. I got dizzy. my heart rate escalated, I had to sit down, I couldn't stop myself from crying and it made me realize that the effects of trauma are still with me and probably will be. So I guess that I here to express to you that really the impacts of a school shooting are just much wider ranging and longer lasting than most people could really fathom or understand I also want to add that I'm not insensitive to the concerns that we heard from the small platform operators this evening. The engineering teacher, I get it, I understand. Those nerds are in my class, you know. But, you know, I think they made some interesting and valid points about the difficulty of defining and fully understanding their potential responsibilities, but I think a lot of the concerns they mentioned were hypothetical and speculative. I think that it's time to get started on catching up with the vast criminal networks that are operating boldly and openly on these social media forums. I think the details of the edge cases that were brought up this evening can be hashed out in the courts. Let's pass this bill and get going. We're here to weigh the interests of these social media companies against our interests as teachers, students, citizens, community members. And I want to express my opinion that the possibility of avoiding the next incident like ours outweighs whatever the burden of compliance might wind up being. Thank you. Thank you. Okay, we'll next hear from our online witnesses. Let's start with the Honorable Evie Hudak. You have three minutes to state in the organization you represent. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I'm Evie Hudak, representing Colorado PTA. We support this bill. PTA has a long history of advocating for the safety of children and youth. And one of our key priorities is keeping children safe from gun violence, suicide, sexual abuse, and substance misuse, and strengthening laws to protect children from the harmful impacts of social media. We strongly believe this bill will help keep our children safer. We recently testified in favor of the bill that required a 72-hour turnaround, but the 24-hour turnaround in this bill is even better because sometimes threats aren't discovered until the last minute. I would like you to hear what Sarah Roberts, the president of Jeffco PTA, said about what this means to PTAs and the community. Working with Evergreen PTSA in the aftermath of the shooting is not an experience I will ever forget. The way the community of parents, students, and teachers banded together to support each other was both heartbreaking and inspiring. I have never been more grateful for what PTA can do in a community. The overwhelming feeling of helplessness is also unforgettable. Protecting students and teachers and making crimes like this harder to commit is worth it. We will never know if a law like this would have made the difference at Evergreen High School, but I know it will make a difference in the future. Not only do we owe it to the Evergreen community to make strides towards solving the problem of gun violence, we owe it to future generations as well. In conclusion, I, as PTA's Vice President of Advocacy, would like to say that this is about kids going home at the end of the day. We ask you to work out the details to make this bill viable and help us keep our kids safe. Thank you. Okay we now hear from Mark Longshore You will have three minutes State in the organization you represent You may begin Thank you Mr Chair I am Mark Longshore a registered nurse and executive director of the Colorado Nurses Association CNA represents all nurses in Colorado and our mission includes improving health for all. We support House Bill 26-1255 in an effort to improve the health and safety for everyone in Colorado. In March of 2026, a gunman in Austin made hateful posts before opening fire in a bar, killing three. August 2025, a shooter made multiple posts about school shootings before killing two children in a Minneapolis school. January 2025, a shooter of a Nashville high school posted writings about his plans before shooting two in the school cafeteria and killing himself. There are some reports that this individual was groomed through other sites into committing the crime. And of course, September 2025, an unknown individual who turned out to be the shooter at Evergreen High School, posted what the FBI called a viable threat to social media. We act surprised when these shootings happen, but uncovered too often after the fact that the signs were there, but not acted upon because, in part, of delays by the megacorporations that are making money off the posts of extreme ideology. Nurses have a duty to warn. Therapists have a duty to warn. Attorneys have a duty to warn. Notably, all three of these groups are legally expected to maintain confidentiality of their clients unless they learn about behavior by their client that is likely to cause harm to others. Social media companies have no such requirements of confidentiality. In fact, again, they make money from facilitating the sharing of information. They take that money and then respond with delays to law enforcement. There are those concerned about either a restriction of or retaliation over First Amendment rights of expression, but this bill neither curtails anyone's right to say what they want, nor does it arbitrarily punish someone over that speech. It establishes a mechanism to mitigate harm to self or others, a mechanism which necessitates showing probable cause to a judge. House Bill 26-1255 requires the social media corporations to cooperate with law enforcement in a timely manner so that we can improve the health for all, literally save the lives of both the victims and the perpetrators of acts of violence. I ask for your yes vote for Senate Bill 26-1255, supporting law enforcement and the work they need to do and improving the health of all Coloradans. Thank you. Thank you. We'll now hear from Julie Boulding. You will have three minutes. State in the organization you represent. You may begin. Good evening. Thank you to the Judicial Committee and Mr. Chairman. My name is Julie Boulding. I'm the school psychologist at Evergreen High School, and I'm representing myself, but I'm also a member of the Executive Board of the Colorado Society of School Psychologists, on which I've been a member for 29 years, and our organization also supports House Bill 26-1255 and I encourage you to pass this bill. I would like to talk about my experience today during the shooting in Evergreen High School, but first I want to share that this is actually my third school shooting. My first school shooting was in my first years of teaching in 1990, in the early 90s, at Zia Middle School in Las Cruces, New Mexico. My second shooting was my first year as a school psychologist. I was a first responder to Columbine High School, and I was at the evacuation site where students were getting off the bus with blood splattered all over their shirts, which is a moment that will live in my memory forever. Now this. on Wednesday September 10th at lunchtime I was hosting a brand new club meeting in a lower classroom in a classroom in the lower level of our building at about 12 20 the student was going to leave the meeting arrived with her lunch I said great let get started I heard a series of loud noises from the stairwell. My initial thought that someone had thrown a chair down the stairwell. I turned to the teacher in the room and I said, what was that? She said, I don't know. I was hobbling on my broken foot towards the door to go out into the hallway to investigate. And she grabbed the door and locked it as we suddenly heard two or three more, what we now know our shots that hit the very first student shot in our building, and he was shot right outside our door. He was on his way to our meeting. I stepped into that hallway as I intended. I likely would not be here to share the story today. Once the door was closed, I turned around to see that the 12 students in the room scattered. They drove into empty cupboards. They moved a big metal bookshelf and hid behind it. One student exclaimed, I don't want to die. The three adults dove under desks and a table and I was trying to fit my two therapy dogs under the desk and they didn't understand and they wouldn't fit. It felt like several minutes later the lights lock and out of sight signal went off but we were already. I got up and I moved across the room and hid behind the big student teacher desk where my dogs would fit and I looked across because the doorway was directly across through me and I realized if a gunshot if someone were to come in that room This desk isn't going to stop any gunshots. So I pulled out my cell phone and I began texting my family, telling them I love you guys. Jumping ahead, when we were evacuated to Wilmont Elementary School, one of our staff members was reunited with her child who attends that school. He said, Mommy, is this your first school shooting? This is my first school shooting. This is not a question that children should be asking. This is not an experience that children should have. I know that the standard response protocol and that wonderful teacher saved my life, but there are countless of heroes in our building who hid students in their rooms, shielded students from gunfire, helped students escape out the library to get to Wolf. Lives were saved because of their standard response protocol, but more lives could have been saved had we had a release of this information that we all know was on the radar months and months ahead of time. As an educator of 35 years, I can tell you that kids talk, they post, they look for connection of like-minded people. They're not good at keeping secrets. This bill can help prevent future violence. Less than 1,000 students attend our school, but many, many thousands have been impacted by what happened on the violence on that day. I know I personally am attending trauma counseling twice a week, and I'm on pharmaceuticals. I don't sleep without pharmaceuticals. And I know strongly that one school shooting stopped by passing this bill is worth it. Thank you very much. Thank you. Okay, committee members, we have questions for this panel of witnesses. Okay. Seeing none, I do want to thank you for coming out and sharing your stories. It does mean a lot to our work. Thank you. Okay, Echo Robbins, Jarrett Jost, Evelyn Seavers. Okay, let's start with Echo Roberts. You will have three minutes. State in the organization you represent. You may begin. Mr. Chair, members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to present to you today. My name is Echo Robbins. I'm a junior at Evergreen High School, and I am here to proudly support the 24-hour expedited search warrants brought by House Bill 1255. Back in mid-July, a boy whom I'd helped with a film project in ninth grade started talking online about mass shootings. September 5th comes around and he posts a photo of a revolver online. This was Desmond Holly who came to the school five days later with that weapon. I sat in lockdown for a few hours with some of my closest friends in the choir room. We heard the first gunfire outside of our door. I shot a glance to my friend Amelia. She looks back at me. I look across from me, and there's a girl hiding under the desk. She closes her eyes, clasps her hands, starts praying, and so did I. We were the last ones out of Evergreen High School on the day of the shooting once they gave the all clear. The tragic irony of this incident is that the entire world had a warning months in advance. Desmond took pride in his plans to commit this act of violence and posted that risk for the world to see on social media and for social media to unfortunately do as little as possible about within the time that they had. When I got to speak to the police later, they told me that his address arrived from the FBI's warrant the night after the shooting. but months after the first warrant. The most meaningful thing you can do for the victims of Evergreen High School who suffered because of social media shortcomings is promise to them with this bill that it won't happen again. Please understand that your vote for these expedited search warrants is crucial in preventing situations, and I'm sure you have heard the term systemic failure. and in any other occurrence like Evergreens. When you vote for these Colorado users to have the ability from not only the Judiciary Committee, but the platforms they use and their duty to have threats reported, handled by law enforcement on time, you guys are sharing the message that it's not okay for something to go unresolved online like Desmond Hawley for so long. Law enforcement can handle it. Social media can handle it. And even the small companies with under 100,000 users have said that 24 hours is reasonable. Thank you so much for your time. Thank you. Okay, we'll now hear from Jared Jost. You will have three minutes. oh you didn't turn the mic on okay there you go good evening chair Mabry and members of the house judiciary committee my name is Jarrett Jost and I'm a student at Evergreen High School in Evergreen Colorado I was not in the building on September 10th when we had an active shooter that injured two students and took his own life but hundreds of my classmates were what happened at Evergreen High School on September 10 2025 was developing years before the shooting occurred The warnings of Desmond Hawley potential harm have existed since 8th grade It was online it was public and it was open and real for months all while the social media companies made it trivial. In fact, the companies did not respond to inquiry after inquiry by law enforcement until they absolutely had to do so by law, which was after the shooting. Reducing mandatory response times to law enforcement inquiries of social media companies from 35 days to 24 hours is exactly what this bill is about. What makes our situation different from most, and what I think about when I think of our community in Evergreen, is that Evergreen did not just become another name on the long list of schools that had another active shooter, students shot, and kids traumatized by the violent actions. Our sheriff's department showed up for us. Our school district showed up for us. Our community could have moved on, but they didn't. There have been endless meetings and help that has turned this experience into something that could legitimately protect other schools and students when, not if, but when this happens again. I've attended most of those meetings and have been actively involved in pursuing change in our mountain community. HB 26-1255 was not drafted or presented to push any one individual's political agenda. The bill was born out of a community that refuses to accept that nothing can be done. If this bill was introduced and had passed at any point prior to September 10th, the shooting at Evergreen High School likely would have never occurred because the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office and the FBI would have had information about the shooter before the attack instead of reacting to the tragedy after. I'm here today to ask you all to vote yes on HB 26-1255. A vote of yes would be showing the students at Evergreen High School that their trauma and suffering has resulted in needed change. A vote of yes would show every student in Colorado that they deserve to have additional safety protections in place to potentially prevent another shooting like ours from occurring. A vote of yes would show every community in Colorado that they have representatives under the dome that are willing to fight for them and fight for their future. Thank you. Thank you so much. Okay, we'll now hear from Stephanie Seavers. You will have three minutes. Stay in the organization you represent. You may begin. Thank you, Mr. Chair and members of the committee. My name is Evelyn Sievers. You've just heard from my mother, Stephanie Sievers. I'm a senior at Conifer High School. Sorry about that. I have both the names right next to each other on the list. We're here to talk about the same thing. I'm a senior at Conifer High School in the mountains where I've lived my entire life. I was born in 2008, nine years after the Columbine High School shooting. I was raised with lockdowns and hypotheticals, and the knowledge that my life could end on any Wednesday a weapon got into the wrong hands. You've heard the story of the tragedy on September 10th countless times this evening. I go to the neighboring high school. I was late, coming back from lunch. How quickly I could walk up the stairs was my biggest concern. To my surprise, I was ushered into the school by the security guards who were talking in hushed voices. I was escorted to class and told to stay there. Students were muttering, rumors were flying, they'd seen the police, we'd spent minutes in suspense, we didn't know what was happening or why. Five minutes in, someone got a text, and the word we'd learned to dread began to circulate. Shooting. The rumors spiraled out of control across the school. Five dead, ten dead, multiple shooters. Panic spread like wildfire through the hallways. I went into shock. People kept grabbing me, asking if my mom was okay, if I'd heard from her. I got my phone out in a daze to call my mother to see if she was alive still, and it occurred to me that if she was hiding under a desk, I could be the reason a shooter heard her phone ring. I couldn't call her. I called my father, no answer. I called my sister, no answer. For 15 minutes that felt like an eternity I had to live with the fact that I might not ever see my mother again The consequences of that day were far and long There were students crying in the hallways mourning people they didn know if they lost When we had a lockdown last month students were being ushered to the nurse in hysterics. I was raised in the age of social media, of knowing that being anonymous can make you feel invincible, of knowing that threats are serious and that they destroy lives. I was raised in the age of knowing that there is some monetary value considered comparable to my life and the lives of my peers. But people at Evergreen showed on September 10th the willingness to sacrifice everything, including their lives, to protect students like me. So what dollar amount to you weighs more than my life and the lives of my peers? The language of the bill has been largely debated this evening by professionals in fields I don't pretend to know the nuances of. What I do know is that had my mother stood frozen deciding whether or not to take action, I may have lost her. If a tragedy is preventable, how could inaction ever be considered the right course of action? It's my understanding that after committee approval, bills go through a thorough revision process on the floor. If we take no step forward, what's to prevent the same unimaginable circumstance from cycling to the next small community? You've heard repetitively of the events of September 10th, but this isn't limited to Evergreen. I acknowledge the points of the opposition, and I ask you to acknowledge the overwhelming representation of a community forever changed. Thank you. Thank you. Committee members, do we have questions for our witnesses? Thank you for being here. Thank you for sharing your stories. Jenna Coffin. Simone Petty. Ava Sabinski. We have Dan Ayton. Okay, okay, I'll wait for another panel. Great. Okay, Jenna Coffin, you will have three minutes. State in the organization you represent. You may begin. Good evening. chair Madbury and members of the House Judiciary Committee. My name is Shanna Coffin and I'm a junior at Evergreen High School located in Evergreen, Colorado. I am here today to testify for the bill HB 26-1255 and I hope that you will vote yes. On September 10th, the Evergreen community was shaken. We had an active shooter in our building. Many of us ran for our lives from a building that should have been a safe place. Many people hid and were horrified about the what-ifs. An event that none of us could have seen coming, except, sadly, we did. Later, we found out about the search warrants that the FBI requested regarding Desmond Hawley's social media activity. He had been stirring up trouble for years before the shooting occurred. Unfortunately, the social media companies didn't respond in time, and an unthinkable event occurred. Two innocent, amazing students were shot, and teachers and students were and are still traumatized over this event. The time is now for this bill to be passed and it would have been and if it would have been passed before September 10th the shooting in Evergreen most likely wouldn't have happened. I am here today to fight for not only my eight-year-old sister who I pray will never have to go through the things that I have but I am here for my community and all the students in schools. Let this bill not only keep students safe but everyone and safe. Your support would reflect a sense of relief for the students, teachers, and families in Evergreen to know that their pain, anxiety, and suffering meant something. Let that something be changed Thank you so much for your time Thank you Okay we will now hear from Simone Petty You will have three minutes You may begin Thank you Chair and Committee Hello and good evening My name is Simon Petty I am a senior that was present inside the building during the event that occurred at Evergreen High School on September 10th I believe I can speak on everyone's behalf when I say that none of us were expecting on a random Wednesday afternoon that our life would be changed forever. We were scheduled a lockdown drill a week prior to this event. However, things were changed and the drill was canceled. It was around noon when I was eating lunch with a friend of mine. Everything seemed normal. That is when the first round filled the hallways. We didn't react to it at first because no one believes that it could happen to them. By the second round, my friend had run over to the door and slammed it shut. Both him and I ran into the office, and before I knew it, we were both ushered into a room, along with other staff and students, where I squeezed myself into the tiniest corner I could manage. My body felt frozen, but my mind was racing. What was I supposed to do? I remember covering my mouth and nose with my cold hands to prevent myself from breathing too loudly. At one point, the hallways outside our room filled with yelling. that is when the handle of the locked room rattled with a male voice and I quote must be a bathroom before walking away about 45 minutes to an hour later an officer broke in and led us outside where the first thing I did was called my mother Desmond Holly the name of the perpetrator at our school had access to many social media sites it is confirmed that he had posted a video which is now deleted on TikTok of a tactile helmet and a gas mask with an audio of the background of a mosque shooting. Along with multiple accounts and subscriptions to gore sites, he had posted comments of things such as, you have the gear, time to make a move, man. He had been hinting at his motive of his for many months prior to the 10th. He had support groups on social media platforms and was also able to express his admiration for extremist groups and personnel, like the shooters of the Columbine. He was able to comment hints and give out information that was evidently looked over due to the poor security and failed reports of these platforms. With a tighter security, we can prevent future individuals from being influenced. However, when investigations is taking place, officers need access into these accounts to gather information that may be needed. We need this protection in our lives, not just for us now, but for future generations. I ask for a yes vote for this bill, 12 to 55. Thank you. Thank you. Okay, we'll now hear from Ava Sabinski. You will have three minutes. It's Sabinski. Sabinski. It's mine. No, no, it's not mine. Sorry, I have a typo on my list. Okay, yeah, no, I fixed it, but it's Sabinski. Okay, Sabinski. Thank you. Okay, you have three minutes. Thank you. Good evening. Thank you, Representative Tammy Story and Senator Lisa Cutter for the opportunity to testify here today in support of House Bill 26-1255, social media duty to report and search warrants. My name is Ava Serbinsky. I'm a resident of Evergreen, Colorado, a proud alumni of Evergreen High School, class of 2023, and an older sister to a current freshman at EHS. I work in the community daily as a nanny, and I'm here today to testify on behalf of my younger sister, who is unable to testify at this time due to the trauma she endured on September 10, 2025. To protect her privacy, I will also be keeping her identity anonymous. Until she's ready, she has given me permission. to be her voice, to be here and to help advocate for change, change that can help prevent other families and communities from experiencing the kind of pain our family and community faced. My baby sister was only 14 years old and just 16 school days into her freshman year, she was in a new building and completely unfamiliar with the emergency exits. In the midst of the chaos, a classmate carried her to the local recreation center where she sheltered until I arrived. My sister had her first panic attack after the shooter found her in the hallway and administered several rounds of bullets before she was able to run to safety. My sister had never even heard the sound of a gunshot, which only added more confusion to this situation. I arrived to the area within five minutes after receiving some of the most alarming text messages of my life, messages from my sister saying that she had to run for her life While caring for the infant that I currently nanny for, I helped safely shelter several students from our neighborhood and nearby homes before later reuniting with my sister at the local rec center. I have never hugged her as tightly as I did that day, and I didn't even want to let her go. In the months since that day, my family has carried a huge burden of trauma, heartache, and ongoing concern for our safety. As her older sister, I have also witnessed her incredible strength and resilience. Despite the anxiety and fear she faces, she continues to show determination each and every day, choosing to move forward and not letting this trauma define her or limit her future. A future all children deserve, and a future that can only be protected by adults willing to fight for change. I am asking for this bill to be passed not only for my sister and for the children that I currently care for, but for the children and communities, for all children and communities, so that no one else has to ever experience such a traumatic event. I respectfully urge you to take action in protecting students and schools by supporting House Bill 26-1255. Thank you for your time and consideration. Thank you. Committee members, questions for our panel witnesses? Okay. Thank you. Thank you for sharing your stories. Thank you. Okay. Dan Ayton, Mitch Parati, Kevin Boast, and DA Michael Doherty. DA Doherty should be online. Okay, we'll start with Dan Ayton. You will have three minutes. State in the organization you represent. You may begin. Good evening, Mr. Chair, members of the committee. Thank you for the opportunity to speak tonight. My name is Dan Ayton. I'm a commander with 39 years of experience with the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office, and I'm here to express strong support for House Bill 26-1255 because this bill directly strengthens the safety of our communities, including our schools. Everyday law enforcement faces a growing challenge, threatening and criminal behavior, which takes place on social media platforms. Whether it is a credible threat against a school or any person in our communities, these cases often hinge on one thing timely access to information Currently social media companies are allowed up to 35 days to respond to a search warrant but as we've seen with the Evergreen High School shooting, that deadline was way too long. When platforms delay, ignore, or inconsistently respond to lawful warrants, the consequences fall in our communities, and too often on our children. This bill ensures that when law enforcement is trying to identify the source of a school threat or stop someone from planning violence, they aren't left waiting weeks for basic information in situations like these. Hours matter. Sometimes it's the difference between prevention and tragedy. By strengthening compliance expectations and creating a clear framework for accountability, House Bill 26-1255 helps ensure that social media companies treat these warrants with the urgency they deserve. This isn't about expanding surveillance or giving government new powers. The warrants already exist. Legal processes already exist. What's missing is a timely cooperation from the platforms that hold the data. Right now, some platforms respond quickly, others don't, and some provide incomplete information. That patchwork approach puts Colorado families at risk. House Bill 26-1255 establishes a clear expectation that applies to everyone, ensuring that public safety isn't dependent on which platform a threat happens to appear on. And let's be honest, our communities can't afford delays. When a threat posted online and social media platforms take action to suspend or take other administrative measures against a user for violating community standards or their own policies, they must notify law enforcement. There's no requirement, there's no mandate that they do any research for us or any searching on behalf of law enforcement, only that they notify us when they take administrative action on a post. At the heart, House Bill 26-1255 is about giving law enforcement agencies the tools they need to respond quickly and effectively to real threats. It's about making sure that when danger emerges online, Colorado isn't left waiting for a response that should have come within five hours. I'm sorry, that should have come within hours. I urge the committee to support House Bill 26-1255 and help ensure that the safety of our children and our communities is never compromised by unnecessary delays. Thank you. Thank you. Okay, we'll now hear from Mitch Parati. We'll have three minutes. State and the organization you represent. You may begin. Good evening to the committee, and thank you, Mr. Chair. I'd just like to take this opportunity to introduce myself. I'm Mitch Purity's Strategic Services Division, Division Chief, with the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office. I speak in strong support of this proposed legislation. It's during my 35 tenure as a law enforcement officer that my agency has responded to several shooting incidents that either took injured or took the lives of many in our communities. Following each one of these incidents, the communities are often left with the burdens of having to ask the question or try to answer the question of how could this be prevented. Since the shooting of Columbine in 1999 to the Evergreen High School shooting in 2025 technology has changed the way we communicate both positively and negatively Social media platforms have transformed us as a society Often our reach has grown, our speech has become more public. Even years later we still fight to disrupt the voices that follow up with harm to people and our communities. Social media platforms need to do more to assist in disrupting these malicious acts. This bill provides law enforcement with the opportunity to respond to speech that reflects an intention to harm others. It's a call to action for the purpose of disrupting and interrupting acts that would take and destroy lives. While these acts are often directed towards our most vulnerable community members like our children, it's also sometimes directed towards our elected officials in this day more than ever. As public safety professionals, we support House Bill 1255 because it enhances our ability to identify, assess, and disrupt imminent threats before they can result in harm. The bill establishes critical communication and reporting requirements for social media platform operators, creating faster and more reliable pathways for law enforcement to intervene when individuals express their intentions to harm themselves or others. Social media platforms have the unique opportunity to provide a voice to anyone with an account. Most of these voices and expressions are not criminal in nature, however, some of the voices desire and express their desire to imminently harm people. When the messaging is of imminent harm and the established community stand and it violates established community standards, that tend to align with social norms, prompting that prompts them to delete their own posts or remove them. This bill just really asks for the platforms to do the right thing, make timely notifications to law enforcement, and then ask them to be timely in the response for information when a warrant is presented. Timely reporting is the information that supports clear intervention and helps prevent dangerous situations from escalating. Additionally, it calls on social media platforms, to demonstrate a responsible commitment to the safe spaces rather than just saying it. Thank you. Okay, we'll now hear from Kevin Bost. You will have three minutes, state in the organization you represent, and you may begin. Your mic is not turned on. Okay, there you go. My apologies. Good evening, Mr. Chair and members of the committee. My name is Kevin Bost, and I currently serve as the division chief of our Criminal Investigations Division at the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office. I've been in law enforcement for over 21 years, and the majority of my career has been dedicated to investigations. Throughout my own career, I've remained committed to ensuring justice for victims while doing everything within our power to prevent harm before it occurs. I'm here today in strong support of House Bill 26-1255. In law enforcement, time is not just important. it is often the difference between prevention and tragedy. Everyday law enforcement encounters cases involving threats of violence, exploitation, and harm that are communicated through social media platforms. These platforms have become a central part of how individuals plan, how they communicate, and sometimes how they carry out dangerous acts. The challenge we face is not a lack of effort or commitment. It is a delay. Currently investigators are often forced into a reactive position Responding after harm has already occurred largely due to delays in obtaining critical information from social media platforms as it can take weeks to receive information tied to search warrants, even when there are clear indicators of imminent danger. House Bill 26-1255 changes that. By requiring social media companies to acknowledge warrants within hours and comply within a defined time frame, this bill ensures law enforcement has timely access to the information we need to act quickly. Even more importantly is the bill establishes a duty for platforms to report credible threats, posts that indicate imminent harm, criminal intent, or attempts to recruit others into criminal activity directly to law enforcement within 24 hours. From an investigative standpoint, this is a game changer. We know that many serious crimes, such as targeted violence, exploitation, leave digital footprints long before they occur. This bill allows law enforcement to intervene during that window of opportunity. It gives us the ability to identify suspects sooner, assess risk factors, and ultimately potentially prevent victimization instead of simply responding to it. I have personally seen cases where critical information existed online prior to an incident, one of which you have heard largely today, this evening. But delay in obtaining that information limited our ability to act in time. Legislation like this helps us close that gap. This is not about overreach. It is about responsiveness. Law enforcement operates under strict legal standards and judicial oversight, and this bill respects those principles with recognizing the realities of modern investigations. It provides a balanced approach that protects individuals' rights while equipping us with the tools necessary to act when it matters most. Make no mistake, law enforcement must still seek a warrant to obtain this digital information, and this bill does not attempt to sidestep these requirements. If a judge does not find the probable cause for the warrant, the information is not obtained. And lastly, for a victim-centered perspective, prevention is the most powerful form of justice that we can provide. Every crime that is stopped before it happens means a victim who will never have to endure said trauma, a family that will never be impacted, and a community that will remain whole. For these reasons, I respectfully urge you to support House Bill 26-1255. Thank you for your time and your commitment to public safety as a victim across our communities. Thank you. Okay, DA Doherty, you will have three minutes. State in the organization you represent. You may begin. DA Doherty, can you hear us? It looks like you froze. Okay. okay you hear me now yeah yeah i you might want to turn your camera off uh just so that the audio comes through more clear we know what you sound like about that mr chair all right go ahead thank you pushing ahead with this though they've been working carefully on the language and i know that work will continue. And the sponsors have put a lot of time, effort, and attention into making sure the language is limited, focused, and also constitutional. I also want to acknowledge the Evergreen High School students and the families that demonstrated real courage and strength in Testimoniality. before the legislature as well as living through everything they've had to live through for the past several months. Last year, as you may recall, I strongly supported Senate Bill 86, which would have put more responsibility on social media companies when it comes to guns being dealt to kids, drugs being dealt to kids, and sexually exploitative material being transferred over the Internet and over social media apps in particular because we see so much of our drug distribution, gun dealing, and child sexual exploitation and human trafficking happening through social media apps. That bill passed with strong bipartisan support. Ultimately, unfortunately, it was vetoed by the governor. And in his veto letter, Governor Polis highlighted that he would support a bill brought forward, strengthen and limit the turnaround times to social media companies. Senate Bill 11 has been introduced this year. And I and other district attorneys support Senate Bill 11. I do believe we need to do more. And that's why I'm with you tonight on House Bill 1255. We have to do more to engage social media companies and not putting profits over people and not putting technology technological freedom over threats that are being made over social media apps. This doesn't change any of the legal requirements for law enforcement or district attorneys. It doesn't lower the threshold or the protections that are in place for individuals who are the targets of these investigations. Rather, it calls social media companies to account to make sure they're doing everything they can to allow law enforcement to address imminent, specific threats. Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. I'll stop there. And if you have any questions, happy to take them. Thank you, D.A. Doherty. Okay, committee members, questions for this panel of witnesses? Okay. Seeing none. Thank you for your time. Thank you for your testimony. Thank you for waiting around. I know some people were here for quite a long time. Okay. Chris Kohler. Courtney Hill. Ashley Richards. Okay, let's start with Chris Kohler. You will have three minutes state in the organization you represent. You may begin. The button to turn on the mic is right by where the mic plugs in. Yep. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, members of the committee. My name is Chris Kohler. I'm here tonight on behalf of myself, my brothers, Eric, Aaron, and Zach, my sister, Paige, who are all watching online tonight. But most importantly, I'm here on behalf of my nephew, Matthew Silverstone. Matthew is the kind of kid every family is proud of, thoughtful, responsible, and someone teachers trust to step up when something needs to be done. On September 10th at Evergreen High School, Matthew did just that. In the middle of a shooting, he helped direct other students to safety, likely saving lives. And then he was shot. Twice. Once in the chest, once in the head. Matthew survived, but his life has been permanently changed. He undergone multiple surgeries including three to the brain with several more to come at least two more expected to fight infection in his brain He spent six weeks in the ICU, spent two months in inpatient rehabilitation, and continues daily outpatient therapy today. He will never hear out of his left ear. He cannot eat. he receives all of his nutrition through a tube. Just earlier this evening, he was discharged from the hospital after his third bout of aspirational pneumonia. Six months later, he and all of us still face a long road to recovery. Much of the first days after the shooting are still a blur for our family, But there is one moment I will never forget. We were gathered in a hot, cramped room just off the hospital waiting area when representatives from the Jefferson County Sheriff's Department told us something that changed everything. The FBI had received a credible lead about a potential mass shooting as early as July 5th. more than two months before Matthew was shot. In that moment, our grief turned to anger because we realized something might have been done to prevent this tragedy. That's when we began learning about the barriers investigators faced when trying to obtain critical information from online platforms. Current laws allow social media and other online companies to delay responding to search warrants for days, weeks, sometimes longer, regardless of the circumstance. When it comes to protecting students, that is simply too long. House Bill 26-1255 takes an important step towards ensuring that when law enforcement is investigating credible, imminent threats, online platforms respond quickly enough to matter. Matthew did everything right that day. He protected others. But protecting students shouldn't depend on the heroism of a teenager in a hallway. Now the question is whether we will do everything we can to protect the next student. I urge you all to support House Bill 26-1255. Thank you for your time. Thank you. Okay, we'll now hear from Courtney Hill. You will have three-minute state in the organization you represent. You may begin. Good evening, Chairman and members of the committee. My name is Courtney Hill, and I'm the current victim services supervisor at the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office. I'm going to read to you a letter from one of our victim's families. To the members of the Colorado House Judiciary Committee and all who hold the power to act, I am the parent of a survivor, a 14-year-old child who walked into Evergreen High School on September 10, 2025, and didn't come home until October. I am writing in support of the intent of House Bill 26-1255, the social media duty to report and search warrant bill. I am writing because 67 days is not an abstraction to me. It is a number I carry in my body On July 5 2025 a threat was reported to the FBI A viable warning posted on social media for anyone to see that someone intended to cause harm Law enforcement was notified the threat was deemed credible. 67 days passed. 67 nights I said goodnight and 67 days I said good morning to my son without knowing what was coming. On September 10th, 2025, the same person in that July 5th report walked into my child's school with a weapon and rounds of ammunition. My son was critically wounded. Another survivor's life was shattered alongside his. Hundreds of lives, students, teachers, families, a community were fractured in nine minutes that should have never been allowed to happen. No accountability, no sense of urgency, no care for human life. I say this not in anger, though anger is appropriate here. I say it because the failure was systemic, and systemic failures demand systemic solutions. This is what this bill represents. The research is very clear. According to a peer-reviewed study published in the Journal of Pediatric Healthcare, 76% of school shooters have posted some form of concerning or disturbing content on social media prior to their attacks. These were not whispers in the dark. They were public declarations visible on platforms used by millions, often ignored. And research by the National Threat Assessment Center found that in 100% of school shootings cases studied, perpetrators displaying warning indicators before the attack, 100%. The Parkland shooter posted on social media he was going to be a professional school shooter. Less than six months before, he killed 17 people. This is the gap that this bill closes. This bill does not ask the impossible. It asks that when a social media platform receives a flagged report of specific imminent threat of harm, it must act within 24 hours. It removes the bureaucratic fog that allowed the threat against our community to sit for 67 days. I have watched my child fight fiercely to reclaim his life since September. I have watched him carry wounds, visible and invisible, that no child should carry. I have sat with the knowledge that what happened to him was not unforeseeable, was not inevitable. It was preventable. The information existed. The warning was given. What was missing was a legal obligation to act on it in any sense of urgency. This bill helps to create that obligation. It says when you see an imminent threat, you cannot look away. You can't wait until the last hour or in this situation an hour too late to respond to act or on a warrant. You must act, and you must act now to save lives. To the legislators considering this bill, I'm not asking you to feel what I feel because you can't. You haven't lived it. I'm asking you to act on what you know. You know that the threats are surfacing online first increasingly and consistently before they become tragedies. You have the power to build a bridge between warnings and the law enforcement agencies that can respond to them. You have the power to close that 67-day gap that costs my son, my family, and our community so much. Please take action, not for me, not even for my son. Do it for the child sitting in the classroom right now, whose would-be attacker is posting something that someone will read and report, and that, with this law, will finally reach the people who can stop it in a timely manner. Thank you for your time. Thank you for your service to the state. And thank you, Advance, for doing what those 67 days prove we desperately needed someone to do sooner. Thank you. Okay now we'll hear from Ashley Richards you will have three minutes stay in the organization you represent you may begin good evening chair members of the committee my name is Ashley Richards and I serve as a victim advocate for the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office I am the assigned victim advocate to one of the victims who were critic who was critically injured that day I here today in strong support of the bill because of what it represents not just in policy but in protection prevention and the lives it has the potential to save Every day I work with individuals and families whose lives have been permanently altered by violence I sit with them in the moments immediately following trauma when everything feels uncertain, overwhelming, and broken. And in those moments, one question comes up again and again. Could this have been prevented? This bill gives us a stronger chance to answer that question with a yes. Recently, our community experienced a devastating school shooting that impacted countless students, families, and first responders. In the aftermath, as we supported victims and their loved ones, it became clear that there were warning signs, indicators of escalating behavior and risks that if addressed through stronger tools and intervention may have prevented the violence from ever occurring. The legislation strengthens our ability to identify those risks earlier and respond in a meaningful way. It empowers law enforcement, the courts, and community partners with tools that are not reactive but proactive. That distinction does matter because once violence occurs, the damage cannot be undone. As victim advocates, we do everything that we can to help people rebuild, but prevention is always the goal. This bill is not just about systems. It It is about people. It is about protecting students sitting in classrooms, families at home, and communities going about their daily lives. It is about ensuring that victims are not created in the first place. For those of us who stand beside victims every day, we know the cost of inaction. We see the long-term trauma, the grief, the ripple effect that extends far beyond a single incident. Passing this bill is not an opportunity to reduce that harm, but to intervene sooner, to recognize risk, and take action before lives are forever changed. I urge you to support this legislation, not only for safety of our communities, but for every victim whose story reminds us why prevention matters. Thank you for your time and consideration. Thank you. Committee members, do we have questions for this panel of witnesses? Thank you. Thank you for your time and your testimony. Is there anyone else in the room who wishes to testify on House Bill 1255 who has not yet gotten the chance? Do we have anyone online? No. Okay. Seeing none, the witness testimony phase is closed. amendments. Rep. Story. Rep. Story, do you have amendment packets? Thank you. Thank you. I move L1. Okay, that's proper motion, seconded by AML Bacon. Rep Story, if you please would describe L1 to us. Thank you, Mr. Chair. L001 is focused on ensuring that posts that are focused on reproductive health care do not get caught up in this process. Are there any questions? Any objection to L1? Okay, noting objection from Rep Soper. Ms. Shipley, please call the roll. Representatives Bacon. Yes. Clifford. Yes. Espinoza. Yes. Linnell. No. Garcia. Yes. LT. No. Law. No. Soper. No. Okay. Yes. Carter. Aye. Mr. Chair. Yes. Okay, on a vote of 7 to 4, L1 is adopted. Vice Chair Carter. I move L2. Is there a second? Okay, L2 has been moved, seconded by Rep. Clifford. Rep. Story, please describe L2. Thank you, Mr. Chair. L-002 changes the section, section two of the bill that is focused on the duty to report. The language was not exactly what we intended in the introduced bill. And during conversations over time, we arrived at this amendment in order to better ensure that social media companies are not in a place where they are having to determine, engage what the content is on a post. and take on that liability of determining the post. So this amendment says that if a social media company identifies a post that has either been identified to them through a complaint online or they notice themselves, but a post that violates their own, the social media company's own policies and rules and causes the social media company to take adverse action against the user, that in those cases, that is when they have a duty to report to local law enforcement. So it's not just them still doing any kind of analysis, and they're not doing it on behalf of anyone else. They are doing it because internally they have identified a problem or problems with a post that violates their own internal rules and regulations And in those cases where it is serious enough they take the social media company takes an adverse action against the user It could be that they remove the post It could be that they suspend the user. It could be they close down the site. It could be any of those things. Whatever it is, the adverse action is what triggers the social media company to then report the post to local law enforcement. Okay. Committee members, questions on L2? Rep. Soper.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. A representative story. Was this amendment worked on with the district attorneys?
Well, so yes. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thank you, Representative Soper, for the question. Yes, because we have been working closely with Boulder DA Doherty, but not strictly, not with the collective district attorneys. We were not doing this. We've had numerous conversations with lots of stakeholders over time, and this was actually came out of a conversation post with the governor's office where the team was conversing after the conversation and it just organically came to be in terms of suggestion and we kind of ran with it and talked about it and talked with other stakeholders about it and ultimately had it drafted. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
compelled action. Well, I'm not an attorney, so I don't know. Can I phone a friend or is there anybody else in the room? I can get back to you on that, but pardon me?
What I do know is in the conversations we've had with some of the advocates, I'm not sure if you recall when this issue was brought up last year in different context of the bill. The issue that the advocates had, I think the crux of this is around the adverse action and what it is that they're already determining as a matter of their own policy, whereas last year we asked platforms to report what they thought were crimes, if you remember that. And so I'm not entirely sure. I think the conversation, again, that we've had was around this piece of they are already taking an action in regards to their own policies. But in regards to the boundaries fully on the First Amendment, I'm not entirely sure. but I do know in the advocacy space, the issue last year was having a platform, one, try to determine on its own what a crime was, let alone reporting it.
Rep Selber Thank you Mr Chair And then just you know as I reading you know the first paragraph where I mean it when a user violates the platform policies but only the policies regarding threatening your criminal behavior and then they have, of course, taken a restriction, suspension, or termination. Certainly on the threatening side, I mean, you have someone that gets a complaint, say, for political speech, and the social media company decides, well, they're just going to suspend that person's account. well then the social media company would have to figure out where that person lives. And given the fact that a person doesn't have to have their own name, they could have a pseudonym, they could make up an address, they could make up an age, they could make up everything about their profile, but yet the obligation is still here. So would there now be an obligation on the social media companies to make sure that they have tracked and verified the data of the user to be able to report to the local law enforcement? And then if the local law enforcement, I mean, there's no clause that it has to be in Colorado, so would this be giving some sort of weird long-arm jurisdiction outside of the state?
Rep. Story.
Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thank you for the questions, Representative Soper. So, no, the social media company does not have to identify the user. Like, it could still be a screen name that is not the, you know, their real name, and they don't have to look into all the details to identify the user and where they might live. The social media company can report to any local law enforcement that they have access to, like anybody in the states, right? They can reach out to, because in the situation with the Evergreen High School shooting, right? In July, a user that was on a social media platform identified a very concerning post. And they just reported to the FBI, right? So, and it was in New York. And after they did their search warrant process, first a search warrant to a judge, a search warrant request, probable cause, judge returns a search warrant, they deliver it to the social media company, ask for the IP address. Then the next one is the URL or the URI, and then that comes back. And then they, with that information, then they go for the third search warrant to identify the user's contact information. When that was completed in New York, New York goes, wow, this is unincorporated Jefferson County in Colorado. I'm going to reach out to the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office. And so that's what they do, and they turned over that information to the Jefferson County sheriff who was speaking here today. So the social media company can reach out to local law enforcement in our country, whoever that might be wherever their office is whatever they doing and turn that over to local law enforcement and local law enforcement would do the same process that happened with the Evergreen High School shooting social media element that was tied into that where local law enforcement would go, oh, wow, this is very concerning. We need to find out who this user is because whatever their determination is and go through that search warrant process. or they look at it and determine that it is not in a place where they have to seek a search warrant. But maybe they do, like on their own grounds. And so we're not asking the social media companies to make any of that determination about where a user might live. They don't need to. They just need to report to local law enforcement. And, of course, this applies only to Colorado, right? Because so if obviously if this happens in some other state, as it did with the post that was identified in New York, they're going to do whatever their process is. And then eventually that information will get to us. But if in Colorado a post is turned over to local law enforcement and it happens to be in Durango, and so local law enforcement goes through that same process with a search warrant to identify who the user is, and it turns out that it's a user in another state or a user in another part of Colorado, then they will turn that search warrant file over to a different state where the user is or to a different area in Colorado. That's how it works. Does that make sense?
Other questions?
No. I just have one more. And I appreciate your long explanation walking me through that. Does it matter where the social media company is headquartered or has their principal place of business? Because in reading this, I mean, let's say I'm a social media company. My headquarters and principal place of business is in Palo Alto, California. Yeah. Well, I mean, I mean, look at this and I mean, as you're looking at across the 50 states and you would say, well, if it's just any local law enforcement, you report it to, say, the Palo Alto police.
well because that's the first law enforcement that's right outside the doors of the company headquarters the palo alto police department could potentially have hundreds of thousands of of these reports sitting there and my guess is they would not get to any of them in any reasonable time just because most law enforcement that i know is usually pretty busy and they're pretty strapped for time how would you see that scenario playing out that story thank you mr. chair and thank you representative sober we can speculate all we want about how many search warrants might be sitting on somebody's desk at any point in time but that's all speculation I think the point The point in this is, is to, in our efforts to ensure that we are not violating Fourth Amendment rights or First Amendment rights, this adjustment in the policy makes sense for Colorado. And so if in Colorado, local law enforcement, or if a post is reported to local law enforcement in Colorado, then this is the process that would be followed. If a company reports, a social media company reports to anywhere else in the country, like, we have no control over what happens with that, right? We have no control over that. So in Colorado, though, if local law enforcement is determined by the social media company to be here anywhere in the state, then this process would play out here. And we have no way of knowing how much or how many times that might happen.
Rep Espinosa.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I'm going to just follow up a little bit with what Soper's line of question is, and I know, Representative Story, you're not an attorney, but my concern with the amendment as it's written is in the second half, notwithstanding your explanation, it says that they must report the adverse action to the local law enforcement agency, including the content. I don't know what the local law enforcement agency is in the context of having stricken the other parts of the bill that you have. So I'd like if you could give me some clarification on that.
And then in terms of the first part of the bill, I think, of the amendment, I also do have a concern that the ability to obtain a search warrant if the media company is acting as a state actor, it may undermine the ability of law enforcement to go and get that search warrant because now you've compelled state action for the company to report this to the local law enforcement and that's why we asked if there I think why Rep Sober asked if there was an attorney involved in that because we don't want to do something that would create an impression that the media company is acting as an agent of the state because then that could undermine the capacity for the law enforcement to do its due diligence to develop probable cause to get a legitimate search warrant for the next steps that you've described. So I just don't know if you or people who drafted this helped you with that or if you could answer either of those two questions. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thank you, Representative Espinoza. We don't believe at any point we are looking at the social media company as being actor of the state. They remain a private entity that is making their own decisions about posts that they have identified or someone has shared with them as a user and have determined that the post or a stream of posts violates their rules and regulations and policies and that social media company is taking adverse action against them. That is all on the social media company doing that whole process. This is just asking that when they take adverse action that they report to the local government and local law enforcement is defined on page 5 line 20 local law enforcement agency means either the municipal law enforcement agency of the municipality in which the user resides or the county sheriff of the county in which a user resides.
Rep. Espinosa. But, Rep. Story, you said that we weren't requiring the social media companies to identify the location of where the individuals resided because that would be obtained through the second search warrant.
Yes.
So how are they supposed to do that?
Rep. Story.
Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thank you, Representative Espinoza. I see that as I'm reading this just with your question, so perhaps we need to revisit some of this, and I'm totally willing to continue to look at language and happy to hear what kind of language you think maybe needs to be changed.
Other questions?
AML Bacon I'm sorry on that note I think I you know we understand what you're trying to do or I'll speak for myself I'm sorry I understand what you're trying to do I'm looking at a few notes on the first amendment issue as I'm dealing with this in another space and I think there might be some room for some analysis here just to be sure we aren't crossing lines part of the information that was shared with me, there is a nuance that's particular here. I'm just trying to remember what it is by way of compelling of speech versus compelling of handing over kind of like information, and there seems to be a line in case law. And so I'm wondering if we might be able to just further examine this. I do believe you had some stakeholders who may have worked on this with you. One of, I do know there is a civil rights first amendment expert stakeholder out there that I am also working with in this area. So I'm wondering if we might be able to revisit this amendment. We're just curious about your thoughts about continued feedback.
I just want to build off of that point. I would say that that first amendment concern that you're raising, AML Bacon, is also one that's in the bill because the compelled disclosure is there either way. I do want to note, we have had conversations around policy that looks like this in this building, of course, with Senate Bill 86, right? And Senate Bill 86 did have sort of a similar provision in it. And I will say I was uncomfortable with the way it was drafted in Senate Bill 86. I think that this amendment is an improvement on what you have in the bill. I am alarmed about any time another user flags somebody that then that creates a reporting requirement. I appreciate that this narrows it down and makes that burden different and not based on the user. I also know from talking to the sponsor and stakeholders that Rep Story made a commitment to me this evening to continue working on this piece because I have expressed that I think it needs more work. I know you had mentioned that you are going to continue working with the criminal defense bar and the ACLU. And so I think from my perspective this is an improvement on the language that in the bill but there more work to be done and I know you committed to continue doing the work to help us thread this needle in the correct way
Anyways, Rep Story.
Thank you, Mr. Chair, and yes, totally committed. I know our team is committed to continuing to tighten up the bill and make sure that we are dotting all the I's, crossing the T's. We certainly have willingness to look at this and make the adjustments that we were just discussing, along with comments that were made by the panel of people in opposition, the smaller social media platforms, and they talked about the 24-7 hotline issue that they would struggle to maintain and also the size of their platforms and happy to have those discussions too.
And then a question I have. You alluded in your opening testimony that this amendment made some stakeholders suggest they feel better about the bill. Can you repeat who those were?
Yes. So we had worked. We have been working with the ACLU throughout this process. We talked to them very early on. They actually helped draft some of the language that's in the introduced bill, got them to a better place, but they still felt there were some concerns when we came out with L-002 and shared that with them. this amendment was delivered to us just on the 16th so just two days ago as we were continuing to refine it and they said the aclu said that this put them in a much better place but they were still going to remain opposed and they would you know not come and testify against the bill and then also we talked to the defense bar and they said the same thing that they were opposed and then when I shared this amendment with them they said we're in a much better place and we will quietly amend and they too agreed that or said that they would stated that they would not come testify against the bill. Okay any further discussion or questions on L2?
Any objection to L2? Okay noting objection to L2 Ms. Shipley please call the roll.
Representatives Bacon. Yes. Clifford. Yes. Espinosa. No. Plinnell. No. Garcia. Yes. Kelty. No. Slaw. No. Soper. No. Sokai. Yes. Carter. Aye.
Mr. Chair. Yes. Okay. On a vote of 6 to 5, L2 is adopted. Rep Story, do you have further amendments?
No. We do not. I do not.
Committee members, do we have amendments? Okay. Seeing no amendments, the amendments phase is closed. Rep. story, wrap up.
First of all, I want to thank the witnesses that came today. Thank you I feel it took an immense amount of courage for students educators staff parents to show up here. I also believe that our law enforcement, first responders that also showed up to the scene that day were traumatized by what occurred. There was a lot of description about what happened that day. And some of the phrases that were shared, kids ran, medical care, dealing with blood. They ran. They hid in garages, hugs and tears, terror, backpacks and shoes left behind on the side of the road, can't sleep, afraid to be alone, appetite loss, therapy, run for their lives, shrapnel, nightmares, lockdown, trauma, counseling. It goes on and on and on. there is such an imbalance between the high tech industry and the social media platforms the largest ones being billion dollar industries have loads of money have all kinds of opportunities with the greatest technology to be able to address some of these things on their own and they're not. This bill was born out of the Evergreen High School shooting. It's a community where I live. I've lived up there for almost 40 years. The people that were here today are friends, neighbors. People whose close colleagues taught my kids, who graduated a lifetime ago, but graduated from Conifer High School. The community is incredibly tight between Conifer and Evergreen. Yes, they're rivals, but they also share a lot because the girls' softball team, in order to field a team, they have Evergreen High School and Conifer High School students on that single team. the swim team for years has been both high schools it was called and I think it still is called the Evergreen High School Swim Team but it's both schools and my kids went through swim team through you know swim lessons and lifeguarding and swim team through high school it is a close close community and this shooting room really hurts. The social media element of that shooting is so heartbreaking. I mean, it's bad enough that the event even occurred. It's bad enough that a child, a minor, got their hands on a gun and the ammunition. It's bad enough that two were seriously injured. Both of their lives altered forever. And the shooter took their own life. And the families for those three individuals dramatically impacted forever. But on the other hand, we have this scenario that played out, and it just took too damn much time to get that information from New York to the Jefferson County Sheriff's Office. That should have never happened. And of course, we can't fix what happened in New York, but we sure as hell can fix what happens in Colorado. And we can require that there be a 24-hour turnaround response time for search warrant process. And the duty to report is also incredibly important. It brings with it an opportunity for law enforcement to hear from social media platforms that there are posts that they find so concerning that they are taking adverse action against the user. That is not going to happen without cause. There was discussion or concerns voiced, aren't you afraid or don't you worry that you will just get swamped with posts coming from social media companies? And the response from the sheriff's office was no, because I, we as a team, would way rather investigate those posts and identify if it is concerning, go through the search warrant process. We would way rather invest that time and effort on that end that could prevent a violent act than to never see those posts and have to deal with the fallout of a violent act, like the Evergreen High School shooting or the Columbine massacre or any of the other ones, Platte Canyon, any of them. So if this policy can stop one community from going through what evergreen and conifer have been through over the last seven months, it's worth it. It saving lives and it keeping people from being so heavily impacted so traumatized so much PTSD that when a shooting five months later happens two miles down the road which happened that they go through all of the physical signs of having shock just by hearing that there was a shooting two miles away. And that shooting was at a medical clinic in a little strip, not a mall, just a little strip of retail stores and such. Downstairs is a popular restaurant, and high school students work there. So suddenly they were in lockdown because of the shooting upstairs. The rec center is adjacent directly to that little shopping center. And so students are there working out and training and there after school and working. And the rec center was in lockdown again because there's a shooting. It's mortifying. And this policy is a way to work towards helping to ensure that we can interrupt, disrupt by local law enforcement having some notice in a reasonable time frame that they can actually do something about it. And I urge your aye vote on this bill. And we will keep working on it. And we'll get it tighter. And we'll work to satisfy these concerns that have been voiced.
Okay, Vice Chair Carter, a proper amendment is to the Committee of the Whole.
Proper motion. I got you. I move House Bill 26-1255 as amended to the Committee of the Whole. with a favorable recommendation.
All right, that's proper motion, seconded by Rep. Clifford. Okay, committee members, closing comments.
Rep. Sober. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thank you, Representative Story. I'm going to be a no vote for several reasons. number one the fourth amendment is one of our strongest constitutional protections against government intrusion and for the fourth amendment to apply there must be state action what was proposed in amendment two is under the state action doctrine when a private party is compelled by the government to act in a certain way that they step into the shoes of the government. What we have under Amendment 2 is action by a private company, such as through their policies and taking action. There's nothing that talks about there has to be a juridical process within the company. It doesn't say anything about being fair within the company. You could have a company mend their rules and not even apply here, I suppose. But certainly they could, under threatening, for example, you could drive a train through that. And they could suspend or terminate a user account What threatening to me may not be threatening to you or threatening to someone sitting in the gallery And then once they do take an internal action, under the second part of the amendment that was added, within 24 hours, they have to report that to a local law enforcement. However, within the bill, there was no obligation to identify where the user was from or even what local law enforcement agency to report to. So the company is being compelled to report about somebody that they may or may not know anything about to some local law enforcement that may not be even remotely relevant here, but they're still being told by the government, us, that they have to do this, which would be a clear violation of the Fourth Amendment and the state action doctrine. Furthermore, there's already another bill in the system very similar to this. And I want to reassure, especially everyone who came here to testify, Senate Bill 11 is very similar. It is a strong bipartisan bill. It was laid out with the law enforcement associations, whether it was the DA's counsel, the defense bar, and was carefully drafted in such a way to avoid some of the pitfalls that I see here. I am very concerned about the precedent that could be established and us moving into an area where certainly this is right for both our state Supreme Court and the U.S. Supreme Court to strike this down if it were to become law. And for those reasons, I cannot be a yes vote.
Further closing comments?
Rep. Garcia. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Representative Story, for all of your work on this bill. I want to thank everyone who came to testify today, and I want to just share that my heart was breaking today hearing all of your stories. I'm sorry that you had to come down and share your stories today. I will be supporting this bill. I will be voting yes today. I think even if there is another bill moving through the system, one of the beautiful things about the legislative process is that we have multiple steps to make sure that whatever bill moves through the process continues to be improved upon. I think your willingness to hear what testimony had brought and your deep commitment to your community is very moving. And I commend you for your work and for your dedication to getting this done. So I will absolutely be a guest today.
Rep Clever.
Thank you. I, too, very much appreciate everyone that has come and spent time making sure that we have not only the gravity, but an understanding of what we're doing here. I also want to share with you, much like my colleague just said, with another bill going through the process, there may be some melding at some point sometimes because there's some overlap in the two. And this particular bill has got a flavor that is quite different where we – It's got a component where the most important thing that you're asking for today are the media companies to report back And that is not something that in the other bill I was a yes on that bill the Senate bill that came through today I going to be yes today It obvious that there still work to do here I think that there are still quite a few questions that have to get resolved, and I appreciate that you'll get those resolved. Somebody made a comment earlier that, you know, we have a process on the floor. This is probably the toughest committee that it will go through at this point. So I think if you made it out of today, you'll probably keep going. So thanks for all the hard work, and again, thanks for all of you for coming here.
Amel Bacon.
Thank you. I think what I wanted to say was a little bit of what we've heard, because I thought it was important to explain to our communities here what work we will have to do moving forward. And so thank you to my colleagues who have expressed their support for the bill. I've been here for quite some time, and we have seen sometimes when bills try to do similar things, if not the same thing. And so what is clear is that I do believe not only members of this committee, but out in our community, we all agree that something needs to be done by way of response time to this. I, too, want to thank all of your community who has come here. representative story, it is clear that you are a fierce advocate for them. And for everyone who's come today, I do want you to understand how important your presence is, and I hope that we can deliver for you on behalf of the entity who you have entrusted to support in your safety, but most importantly, to make laws. And so I don't think it's lost on anyone in this committee that you have been clear and compelling, not only on what the problem is, but what the impact is if we do not resolve it. And not just for the safety, but the expectation of us as lawmakers. To the students who have come, I also sit on the House Education Committee. and I've heard from some of the same people who testified today earlier and I think what's become clear and what we've heard from students over time, I will not tell you how old I am. But we are now made keenly aware that there's a whole generation of children who do not know what it means to not have to practice certain drills. I'm an educator. I was a senior in high school when Columbine happened. I went to a different type of high school that had different issues with guns. But what I do know is, for all of the pain that you've experienced, we are not interested in contributing to that. And I do hope that as you grow older and as you reflect on your experiences, you can help guide not only us, but our communities and what we can do, not only as a matter of policy, but how we can also support each other so that we can bring down the number of these incidents. To the educators, thank you for loving your students. Thank you for going back to the extent that you could. Teaching is a special profession. And these days we're asking, what we're asking of teachers is broader than what they train us by way of classroom management. And so what I want you all to know in the room in regards to what it is that we have to do, there is another bill that we have voted to move forward that has very similar definitions, if not expectations. And so it will now be upon us, if we vote to move it forward, to figure out how to reconcile that because we cannot have conflicting statute. That makes sense. We have a whole person whose job it is to actually edit for that purpose. And so we are going, I feel, I don't want to speak for my colleagues, but I feel confident in how we are going to move forward. It is with the intent to support you. And I would ask everyone in this room, including our law enforcement partners, to help us have these conversations so that we can get on the same page given the two bills. And I might be speaking for myself, but I'm asking for that as a legislator. And so those of you who have been the most recently impacted by this concern, I think your voice is a very crucial one in the space. We will also support by way of the boundaries on the First and Fourth Amendment. We pass laws all the time in this committee compelling businesses to report to law enforcement who's buying things, who's using certain materials. So I'm sure we can figure it out. Okay? And so as we work through this process, please don't receive that as any sort of hostilities. At least I'll speak for myself. I do feel like I can speak confidently for some others. but I also want to be transparent in what it is that we are working on because you all are owed that. And so any voices that you would like to share, we encourage you to do that because a vote for this bill and the one before is a vote to the commitment and understanding of the problem and our need to resolve it. So thank you so much for coming here. It's 10 o'clock at night on a school night, but if this isn't the best civics lesson, maybe STEM related because no one knows how to work a microphone. We look forward to continue to have these conversations with you. Thank you so much for your graces and your time today. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Thank you, Representative Story. Thank you so much to the Evergreen community who came out today representing only a fraction of your community, but I'm sure speaking as a whole for everyone who is living through this tragedy, because as you've noted, it's not going to go away anytime soon. And once you've lived through this, and I felt especially horrible for the teacher who's lived through this three times, you're never going to not live through this. So I thank you for coming and sharing your stories. I wanted to put that on the record. I do agree with my colleague, Representative Soper, about the problems with this bill, and I have a real struggle voting for a bill that to me has fundamental Fourth Amendment constitutional issues However given the discussion that we had with regard to this bill continuing to be worked on I will be voting it out of committee tonight. I don't know that I will vote for this on the floor when it gets there unless substantial changes are made to the bill. And so I just want to let people know if I am a no on the vote on the floor, it's because of those reasons, because I look at things from the legal perspective as a former judge and criminal law professor and all of the things that I carry in my background. So I want to make sure we have the most sound policy. I want to say also that I'm afraid this policy as it's currently drafted would not have solved the problem that we're facing because it was the FBI's lengthy time to go through the search warrant processes that they did that this bill does not address that was a problem for you not to get the answers you deserve. And so I'm really more concerned on how do we address that part of the problem rather than what we're trying to do here, which still has a lot of questions. I feel confident that Senate Bill 11 addresses a good part of this, so I do want to say that. We are asking in that context in a different way. The social media companies provide answers within 72 hours. It's drafted in a way that doesn't create other issues. And I just will note to you that that bill is on the way to the governor's desk and will be signed. to pass through the Senate today, and so it is on the way to the governor's desk. So no matter what happens with this bill, there will be some requirements from the state of Colorado on social media companies to timely respond to the subpoenas. So unlike what happened to the FBI in New York, at least in the state of Colorado, we will be getting those answers when our law enforcement makes the requests. So I just want you to know that's where we're at, that we've taken some actions and some steps. So no matter what happens specifically with this bill, we are in a place where we're going to be in a better place because of the actions of good representatives who are bringing these stories and the community who are bringing these stories forward. So thank you again for your being here. Thank you for everyone who's highlighted these issues and I appreciate your time. Rep Slough.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I am not like my good colleagues, an attorney or a former judge or any of that. So I will only speak to you a little bit of practicality that I have been trying to wrap my head around using the fully paid for artificial intelligence that I can they can help me get fast information and things sometimes. based on publicly available moderation data, Colorado could see, and this is after a lot of digging and a lot of, like, asking a lot of questions, could see roughly 5,000 to 15,000 potential social media violations per day. If an officer could investigate 10 cases per day, that would require 500 to 1,500 officers every single day, which is up to approximately 10% of the entire law enforcement workforce in Colorado. That's concerning. What I meant to start with, though, is I very much appreciate, Representative Storri, you bringing this bill and to the evergreen community for coming here. You never forget what it's like to get shot at. That is trauma that never leaves people. I understand and appreciate that. I am concerned about the practicality of this I am also very much appreciative that we heard a very similar bill that I don think has the same constitutional concerns that I think could be brought into this As a person who very much appreciates my Second Amendment rights, situations like this are extremely frustrating to me because nobody should ever live in fear of other people for those reasons I hope that as this bill makes its way through our system as our other good colleague mentioned that we can get it refined or matched with other legislation that we are also working with and have worked on. I hope that it does not put any kind of oversized burden on law enforcement, though I recognize they absolutely would rather deal with things like this than other consequences, as would I. I'm just concerned about the practicality of it. Anyway, thank you.
Rep Kelty, did you have your hand up earlier? It's not a requirement in the Judiciary Committee to make closing remarks. It seems like it is. Rep's okay. Thank you, Mr. Chair. I did just want to briefly take a moment to thank everybody
for being here today and sharing your stories and to know that it has a real impact in our policymaking. And I appreciate all of you for doing something that I imagine was very difficult. And I will say it really stood out to me, the individual who said that one of the first things people ask is, could this have been prevented? And I can't imagine the heartbreak to know that the answer in this case is yes. And that we need to hold giant multinational corporations accountable because they do have the ability to prevent these tragedies. And I will never know that pain, but I appreciate you sharing it with us tonight. And I want to also say that I appreciate my colleagues that recognize that a bill can leave here not fully ready. I have some constitutional concerns as well, but I know that nobody's going to work harder than you, Rep Story. I've seen you from across the hall spending late nights here trying to get this right, and I know that we can send this out of this committee tonight knowing that you will continue to do that work and that we can refine policy. And I do just want to note that Senate Bill 11 is not necessarily to the governor's desk. It is? Ah, okay. I thought we were concurring on amendments. Okay. Well, we have a process to make sure that we can make both of those things work. So I know that you'll be there and that community will be there with you to make that happen. So appreciate you. Thank you so much, everybody who was here tonight. And I am an enthusiastic yes. Thank you Mr. Chair
and I too want to thank everyone for being here the stories that you shared were absolutely touching in a sense that it made us understand what you went through no one should ever have to go through anything like that ever in their lives And being in the military you know I seen people come back from situations that were horrendous and I know that it affects your entire life forever. And I want to thank our law enforcement that came because I can tell your community means a lot to you and that you would do anything to keep them safe, and I appreciate that, and I appreciate every single one of you. but also if you can I would be remiss if I didn't mention though as it was mentioned before we did have a bill last week that came through and it was almost a darn I thought it was the same bill and there's a few little things but if that one goes through I'm sure it will make you happy as well it shuts down the time frame and just like this one does I mean it's very similar and it basically makes social media companies work with law enforcement when there's warrants, doggone it. So if either bill goes through, I think you'll be fine. It'll be holding them accountable to make sure that they work with law enforcement so stuff like this doesn't happen again. So I didn't want you to fear that if this one didn't make it, we'd be lost. You won't, because the other one went through House, it went through the Senate. From what I understand, it's on the governor's desk. So I don't know if these can be married. I know there was talk about having these two bills be together, but I don't know why they weren't worked together and put together. They've known about each other for a long time. But it is what it is, and if either bill goes through, I think you'll be fine. And God bless. Thank you. Okay. The first thing I want to say is it was really inspiring to see the entire evergreen community come out. Truly. We had people from every single job at the school. We had students. We had law enforcement, community members. Rep story, you do a tremendous job representing and championing your community, and we saw that here tonight. Some of the stories we heard tonight were absolutely heartbreaking. You can feel from the testimony tonight that that day in September is still deeply reverberating in your community. And I do appreciate folks coming out and sharing that with us as we consider making policy. I also want to note that in the early 2010s, The social media companies spent tens of millions of dollars on research to figure out what would keep us online because that's how they make money. They make money the more time we spend on their apps. And they hired clinical psychologists to figure this out, to look into what would keep us coming back. And what that research found was us feeling bad makes us come back. These algorithms on social media are designed to poison our brains so that we keep going back. And so it's important to keep that in mind when we're talking about adding burdens on these companies. These companies are literally making money, making our kids sad. That is their business model. And so putting a little extra burden on them, I have no problem with that. We actually need to do a lot more. I think we should regulate their algorithms. I mean, really, we should really regulate their algorithms and pass laws in that space. But I will just note that putting a burden on these companies is no problem for me. I also agree with Rep. Soper and Rep. Espinoza's constitutional analysis. That part of this bill still needs work. And even during testimony, after looking at the amendment and talking to stakeholders, I pulled Rep. Story out. And we talked in the hallway, and I said, hey, I still have concerns with this part of the bill. I will also note this amendment is an improvement from what was in the bill. What was in the bill was a user could flag something that then a social media company would have to report. And I do think that could have been really burdensome. I do think we need to make it more specific to make sure we passing a bill that is constitutional And I know that RepStory is going to work with the right stakeholders to get that done in the right way I also know we going to do this in the right way to complement the work that we've already done with the other bill. But thank you, everybody, for coming out, sharing your stories with us. It was really inspiring. I have not seen a community come out and force like this on a bill ever. And so thank you. And with that, Ms. Shipley, please call the roll.
Representatives Bacon.
Yes.
Clifford.
Yes.
Espinosa.
Yes for tonight.
Plano.
No.
Garcia.
Yes.
LT.
No.
Slaw.
No.
Soper.
No.
Sokay.
Yes.
Carter.
Yes.
Mr. Chair.
Yes. Okay, on a vote of 7-4, that bill passes. You're on the way to the Committee of the Whole. And with that, the Judiciary Committee is adjourned. Thank you.