May 27, 2026 · 39,940 words · 7 speakers · 938 segments
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Madam Speaker, will you please call the House to order?
The House will come to order. Good morning, colleagues. In the absence of clergy, let us pause for a moment of silence. Visitors are invited to join members in the Pledge of Allegiance. I pledge allegiance to the flag of the United States of America, and to the republic for which it stands, one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all, and to the kingdom of God. A quorum being present, the clerk will read the journal of Tuesday, May 26th.
Ms. Lunsford. Madam Speaker, I move to dispense with the further reading of the journal of Tuesday, May 26th, and that the same stand approved.
Without objection, so ordered. Thank you. I would like to begin today with a quote from a former member of our body and the 33rd governor of this state, Theodore Roosevelt. Do what you can with what you have, where you are. And I hope that brings us through this budget day. All right, Madam Speaker, may I have the members' attention so that we can announce the schedule for today. Members have on their desk a main calendar. Before any housekeeping and or introductions, we will be calling for the following committees to meet off the floor today. Ways and Means and Rules. These committees will produce an A calendar, which we will take up immediately. Members should be aware that we will be also calling for the following committees. to meet. Transportation, social services, local government, health, governmental operations, education, and children and families. I will announce any further floor activity as we proceed. Majority members should be aware that there may be a need for conference once we conclude our work on the floor. As always, I will consult with the minority on their conference needs. So with that as a general outline, Ms. Speaker, let us begin by calling for the Ways and Means Committee to meet in the Speaker's conference room. Thank you. Ways and Means Committee members, make your way to the speakers conference room please. Ways and Means Committee members to the speakers conference room. We have no housekeeping but several introductions. We will start with Miss Warner for the purpose of an introduction.
Thank you Madam Speaker for allowing me to interrupt our proceedings for the purposes of an introduction today. I am pleased to be joined by Elizabeth Sobel. She is the CEO of the Saratoga Performing Arts Center, which is this year celebrating its 60th anniversary. It is nestled in the Saratoga Spa State Park. And if you haven't had an opportunity to enjoy the Saratoga Jazz Festival, the New York City Ballet, the Philadelphia Orchestra, or any number of Live Nation concerts under the stars at the Saratoga Performing Arts Center, may I suggest that you add that to your summer tour this year. The Performing Arts Center has, over time, been part of the economic renaissance of Saratoga Springs. There was a time 60 years ago where you could roll a bowling ball down the street and never hit a person. But because of the investments that were made to build the Saratoga Performing Arts Center, which was both a public and a private enterprise, and the ribbon was cut by then-Governor John Rockefeller. It has turned around, or been part of the renaissance that turned around our little upstate city. So please join me this morning in welcoming CEO Elizabeth Sobel on this great occasion, when we'll be passing a resolution to that effect later today, and please offer Elizabeth all of the cordialities of the House.
On behalf of Ms. Warner, the speaker, and all members, welcome Ms. Sobel to our Assembly Chamber, the People's House extending to the privileges of the floor. Hoping you're able to enjoy our proceedings today and happy 60th anniversary to you. SPAC is wonderful. Saw my first concert at SPAC. It was great, a long time ago, but you do great, great works, and it really is the foundation and core for Saratoga area. So congratulations and happy anniversary. Thank you so very much for joining us today. Mr. Alvarez, for the purpose of an introduction.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Today I rise with a great pride to recognize and welcome an outstanding group of Latina entrepreneurs from my district. These remarkable women represent the strength, resiliency, and entrepreneurial spirit that continue to uplift our communities and inspire future generations. Please join me in welcoming President Maribel Perez, Elida Almonte, Clarissa Felix, Grace Lantigua, Rosa Ayala, Carola Liranzo, Giraldy Veloz Dikelcy Paulino Kayla Perez Bianca Rodriguez Katia De Los Santos and Jamie Jimenez We are honored to have them with us on the floor today and I thank them for their leadership dedication and contribution to our district and to the New York State Please welcome them to the People House and extend the cordiality of the floor. Thank you.
Thank you. On behalf of Mr. Alvarez, the speaker, and all members, We welcome our distinguished guests here to the Assembly Chamber, extending to you the privileges of the floor, to our Latina entrepreneurs who are here today. Thank you so very much for all of the contributions you do in and around the district and for New York State. You are the foundation of commerce in our community. So thank you for that. And thank you so very much for joining us today.
Thank you very much, Madam Speaker. Today I rise to introduce a trustee that represents one of the largest global organizations celebrating, Sai Baba, who is celebrating today a privileged resolution on his 100th birthday. And it really is significant because of the contribution of this spiritual leader that has promoted peace, love, nonviolence, and has promoted volunteerism throughout the world, here in New York State and throughout 50 states. And he's represented today through the organization as a trustee, Sundar Venugopalan, who's an IT professional, has exhibited tremendous volunteerism throughout New York State and in my community of Yonkers. And he's here to celebrate the privilege resolution of Sai Baba and to really encourage peace and prosperity and nonviolence. Madam Speaker, if you can please give our dear guest Sundar Venugulopan the cordiality
of the House. On behalf of Mr. Saez, the speaker, and all members, we welcome our distinguished guests to the Assembly Chamber, extending to you the privileges of the floor for the wonderful resolution we will hear later today. Anything talking about love, nonviolence, and volunteerism, we will absolutely embrace that here today. Extending to you the privileges of the floor again, sir. Hoping you enjoy our proceedings. Thank you so very much for joining us today. Mr. Lamondes, for the purpose of an introduction.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. I rise to recognize three amazing men who have done more for high school athletes in recent times than any other group of people. Specifically, their contributions to the sport of wrestling and to student athletes across New York State will be felt for generations. First is we honor Mr. Don McGee, whose lifelong dedication to wrestling has impacted generations of young athletes throughout Central New York and beyond. From founding the Bear Club Wrestling Program in Chittenango to helping build the nationally respected Mohawk Valley Wrestling Club, Don has spent decades mentoring athletes expanding opportunities and serving as a true ambassador for the sport Joining him is Gene Mills one of the greatest wrestlers in Syracuse University history a two NCAA champion four-time All-American, Olympian, and member of the National Wrestling Hall of Fame. And last, we're also honored to welcome Dr. Robert Zayas, Executive Director of the New York State Public High School Athletic Association, whose leadership has strengthened education-based athletics for hundreds of thousands of student-athletes across our state. Madam Speaker, please join me in welcoming these distinguished guests to the Chamber of the New York State Assembly and provide them all the cordialities of the House. Thank you.
On behalf of Mr. Lamondes, the Speaker, and all members, welcome, sir. Mr. McGee, Mills, and Zayas to our Assembly Chamber, extending to you the privileges of the floor, hoping you enjoy our proceedings today. We saw the wrestling photographs down in the concourse going towards the well, and it was really very impressive. You never really know who participates in wrestling and some actually big-name figures were a part of that. So thank you for all you do for student athletics. Definitely promotes teamwork, something all of our young people need to know today. So we appreciate all you do and thank you so very much for joining us today. Ms. Gallagher for the purpose of an introduction. Thank you so much speaker. I
am proud to introduce three of my constituents. We have Cooper King who is a member of the debate team of middle school 318 in my district, where they have just won the borough-wide title of middle school debate. They are accompanied by the wonderful Daniela Gilead, who is a supporter and friend, and their parent, Khaki King. I know all three of them from their incredible involvement in local issues, and so I'm very excited to show them how the process works and how debate is put into government here in the State Assembly.
If you can offer them the cordialities of the court. On behalf of Ms. Gallagher, the speaker, and all members, welcome Cooper, Daniela, and Kathy to our Assembly chamber, extending to you the privileges of the floor. It's really exciting to see such young people involved in civic school debate is wonderful so keep on with that extemporaneous work that you're doing it will definitely bring you far for sure so thank you so very much all for joining us today Thank you. Thank you Music Thank you. Thank you. Thank you Parenting Video Assume パリpost Thank you. Thank you. Thank you Thank you. Thank you. Thank you Laughter Thank you. Thank you. Thank you Thank you. Thank you.
Madam Speaker, may we please call the House back to order.
The House will come to order. Ms. Levenberg for the purpose of an introduction.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. I rise to introduce two student constituents of mine Bridget Burns from Briarcliff Manor and Darren Cooney from Croton And they are both very interested in politics and what goes on here at the state capitol So they are here today Darren is a senior at Croton-Harmon High School and is interested in possibly pursuing a career in law, even as he is just going to be a freshman at SUNY Binghamton. And Bridget is a rising junior at Fordham who is majoring in political science and minoring in communications. So I hope that they have a wonderful day here, and I hope that you will offer them the cordialities of the People's House.
On behalf of Ms. Levenberg, the speaker, and all members, welcome Bridget and Darren to the Assembly Chamber of People's House, extending to you the privileges of the floor. It is always wonderful to see our young leaders coming to see how democracy and action works. Continued great success at Fordham and onward to Binghamton. You will have a wonderful time. Thank you so very much for joining us today.
Ms. Raj Kumar for the purpose of an introduction. Madam Speaker, I am proud to rise today to introduce Dr. T. Vishnu Dutta Jayaraman, a man who represents the American dream, someone who seized every opportunity, pursued excellence across continents, and used the power of journalism to inform, connect, and uplift communities. Dr. Jayaraman is the founder and editor-in-chief of the South Asian Herald, a distinguished news platform dedicated to reporting on the South Asian diaspora in the United States. Since its launch in October 2024, South Asian Herald has quickly developed a growing readership nationally and internationally, becoming an important voice for a dynamic and influential community. He has built an extraordinary career covering some of the most powerful and important institutions in the world, including the White House, the U.S. Congress, the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund. He also had served as the Washington Bureau Chief for News India Times and Desi Talk, and he worked with the United Nations Department of Public Information and leading publications such as the Hindustan Times, the Times of India, and the Tribune. His life and career remind us of the highest calling of journalism to seek truth, deepen understanding and give voice to communities whose stories deserve to be told. Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in welcoming and honoring Dr. T. Vishnudatta Jayaraman.
On behalf of Ms. Rajkumar, the Speaker and all members, welcome doctor to our Assembly Chamber, extending to you the privileges of the floor, continued success to you with your South Asian Herald, and thank you for the work that you're doing in journalism. Now more than ever, we need you to be truth seeker and teller, so thank you very much for all the work that you are doing and for joining us today. Thank you.
Ms. Walsh, for the purpose of an introduction. Thank you very much, Madam Speaker. I rising to introduce a gentleman from my district Art Hunsinger who probably best known for all of his years and years of volunteerism with the Clifton Park Fire Department But he's here today with, and wearing a different hat, he's here today with two young ladies who reside respectively in Assemblymember Santa Barbara's District and Assemblymember Forest District. So Art is the director and executive team member for the Miss New York Volunteer Program, which is the official New York State preliminary for the national Miss Volunteer America system. Art is joined by two Miss New York volunteers, Miss Team New York volunteer Eliza Leszczynski and Miss New York volunteer Shannon Kelly. So Eliza attends Chalmont High School. She is in Assemblymember Santa Barbara's District. She hopes to major in pre-dental biology. She's focused her volunteer efforts on raising money for the One Sight organization. She's collected and donated over 40,000 pairs of used eyeglasses and has helped create the Raise the Roof campaign for the Northeast Association of the Blind. If she wins nationally, she hopes to continue her mission of educating on vision care nationally. Shannon is from Brooklyn and attends the borough of Manhattan Community College. Her goal is to become an actor or director. Her volunteer efforts include educating people about mental health and empowering individuals to prioritize self-care, creating product drives to provide self-care products to those who can't afford them. Madam Speaker, would you please welcome these three remarkable individuals to the People's House? Thank you.
Thank you. On behalf of Ms. Walsh, the speaker, and all members, welcome to our distinguished guest, Mr. Hunsiger. Thank you for all of the volunteer work you do with the fire department and this wonderful Miss New York Volunteer Program organization, and Eliza and Shannon, our royalty here today, we welcome you and extend to you the privileges of the floor, hoping you enjoy our proceedings today. What a wonderful thing. Volunteering, it's amazing, and we have two young people who are doing great works in our community. So thank you all for joining us today, and keep up the great work. Thank you.
Madam Speaker, I would now like to advance the A calendar.
On Ms. Lunsford's motion, the A calendar is advanced.
Ms. Lunsford. Thank you very much. We are going to take up the following two bills, Rules Report No. 216 and Rules Report No. 217. I'm sure we will have additional work to do later in the day. Thank you.
Page 4, Rules Report 216, Clerk will read. Assembly number 10007C, Rules Report 216, Budget Bill. Governor's message is at the decks. Clerk will read. I hereby certify to an immediate vote, Kathy Hochul, Governor.
An explanation has been requested. Mr. Pratlow. Absolutely, Madam Speaker. The bill before us contains major components of legislation that are necessary for the implementation of the state budget as it pertains to health and mental hygiene. This bill includes legislation to extend the Medicaid global cap, provide increased investments from the health care stability fund, and to support hospitals and nursing homes, and provide a targeted Inflationary increase for human service workers. Mr. Palmasano? Yes, thank you, Madam Speaker. Will the chairman yield for some questions? Yes, I will. The sponsor yield. The sponsor yield. Good afternoon, Mr. Palmasano. Good to see you again. Good to see you. Good to talk to you again. We seem to be getting there. That's a good thing. It seems like only yesterday. It seems like only yesterday. So true. So I guess I just wanted to start out, obviously we're dealing with the health budget today, right now, and obviously Medicaid is such a big part of this budget. Could you tell me what this bill appropriates, what's the total amount of spending on Medicaid overall? Total Medicaid spending is $117,787,882,000. Just to clarify on that point, is that just for the Department of Health? Because we know there's other outside agencies that are getting Medicaid. Does that $117 billion include those other agencies? That is all agencies. All agencies, total $117 billion? Okay. And, of course, I know this being the first one, we got the financial plan earlier and the Medicaid scorecard. Are they going to become available to the public? Did the Medicaid scorecard become available to the public? Well, everything will become available to the public because we're very transparent in our actions. Sure. This budget bill extends the Medicaid global cap while also amending several savings proposals from the executive budget. Does this mean that we remain within the Medicaid global cap with this provision? The enacted budget includes $2.1 billion, or 8% increase to the global caps. Spending for fiscal year 2627 for the global cap is $28.6 billion, so it is unchanged from the enacted budget. So then we do remain in the global cap then? Absolutely. All right. And just to go over again, what is the expected total Medicaid budget for this fiscal year? It should be what I gave you earlier, $117.8 billion. And how much of this is federal dollars, and what is the change from last year? The federal dollars is $74.1 billion. Okay. And what is the expected state share of Medicaid for this fiscal year? From a general fund, that would be $32,965,000. And what has that changed from last year? $294 million. Okay. It's been, I know, a common practice to shift spending outside of the Medicaid global cap calculations due to state spending more than the cap will allow. Does this enacted budget shift any new spending outside of the cap? No. No. All right. And the executive budget projected that the state spending under the global cap will require a gap-closing savings plan to address the cumulative $8.8 billion in spending needs through fiscal year 30. Many of the proposals that were included as saving measures were either amended or restored. Therefore there is an updated deficit associated with the enacted spending plan Yes Is there an updated deficit number associated with the enacted budget spending plan No No so it still remains at 8 Yes. Okay. It actually went down a little bit. Okay. All right. Does this enacted budget address any savings measures that will reduce these out-year global cap deficits? Are you willing to break down the new MCO tax? Yes. Okay, well, the funding stream is it will collect a .35% assessment on total premium revenues for managed care organizations starting January 1, 2027. The tax is expected to bring in $165 million to net benefit the state for fiscal year 27-28. Okay. Now, Medicaid spending has increased significantly under the current governor, with the state share ballooning over 75%. However, the state has not had proportionate increases in fraud prevention efforts, with New York ranking very low in fraud investigations per billion spent. are there any provisions in this budget bill that are aimed at reducing fraud and waste to ensure we are good stewards of this important program that is funded by our taxpayers? That's being handled by the Medicaid Inspector General. Okay. And do you believe the current state efforts to reduce waste and fraud are sufficient given the upward trend in Medicaid spending within the state? Yes. Okay. Okay. For clarity, does this budget bill contain the Governor's proposal to change Medicaid crossover payments to ambulance providers? No. Okay. Do these changes to the executive proposal have a fiscal impact? It's a small increase there. I don't have the numbers in front of me. I'm looking at my notes. Okay. Part X of this budget bill makes changes regarding Medicaid coverage for the undocumented over the age of 65. Are these provisions providing any new benefits to this particular population? No, there are no new benefits. Is there any fiscal associated with the provisions? There's no additional costs. Okay. The executive budget Medicaid scorecard included $1.9 billion in financial plan resources. Most of this funding was intended to cover the ELISA population under Medicaid. However, this is no longer necessary. How does this budget reallocate that previously allocated funding? Okay, that money has been reallocated to the general fund. We didn't do anything with it in this budget. Okay. I'd like to pivot to one question relative to the targeted inflationary increase, Part P, of this bill, and acts of 2.7% increase for various human service providers. The governor proposal of 1 included million in funding with million of that being the state share Can you provide us with a dollar amount of how much of a funding increase this is over the executive budget proposal I believe the state share is $140 million. $140 million? I'm sorry, $104 million. $104 million. All right. And I think, Mr. Chairman, I know a couple of my colleagues have some other questions at this point. I'll go on the bill, and I'll talk to you a little later. Thank you, sir. Madam Speaker, on the bill. On the bill.
Yes, Madam Speaker, my colleagues, before us, we have the health bill, which is part of our more than one quarter trillion dollar budget. We heard that Medicaid is one of the largest shares of that budget, over $117 billion, as was mentioned. You know, we always ask and request that the financial plan and the Medicaid scorecard be given to us before voting and also be accessible to the public. I think one area that I think we always talk about and we hear about, but what are we doing anything about, is waste, fraud, and abuse in the Medicaid program because we know it's a problem. We often see reports that the comptroller has identified that and going after some changes. But as my colleague mentioned, this all falls within the Medicaid Inspector General. We actually need to do more, in my opinion, in many of my colleagues' opinion, to support the Medicaid Inspector General. Because what we're going to do is we're going to jeopardize those important services that we're providing to the residents of this state. We really need to do more, because I don't feel we're actively increasing the oversight to protect the taxpayers and the important services that these programs provide to them. If we want to address this, it's imperative that we are proactive and not reactive. Because I think we are putting the state more at risk from outside factors, which can put a more financial strain on us, increase our possible financial instability. We need to put in place policies to ensure and safeguards so the health coverage that we're delivering is efficient and effective, protecting the taxpayers. This will help us ensure that we are working together to protect our state's fiscal stability and the important program like the Medicaid program. I will add one other part that I'm happy to see in here that we did this 2.7% inflationary increase. That's what our advocates were advocating for. Governor put in 1.7%. It seems like in the past the governor come in low, we come in where they wanted, and then we always fall in between. I'm glad to see that this budget bill actually gets to that 2.7% that the advocates wanted. It's probably still not enough, but at least we're getting and helping them address the needs because those individuals who care for our most vulnerable need to be protected. I mean, budgeting is all about priorities, right? We see all the different interests that are coming around from different individuals and groups. there should be no more important interest in taking care of our most vulnerable citizens, those individuals with developmental and intellectual disabilities. And as someone who once worked in that field a long time ago it certainly gave me a perspective and an understanding of what those workers do Those workers those direct support professionals who work with our most vulnerable population are truly doing God's work. It's not an easy job. Sometimes those individuals are like family to the individuals they're caring for in those homes, in those centers where they're getting services. It's like family to them. And these individuals who do this work do it because they care. They do it because they want to do this work and take care of our most vulnerable. But they are often pushed out because they can't make ends meet, because they can go work at McDonald's or Burger King and earn a higher wage and get better benefits than they can working with our most vulnerable citizens. So I'm glad this hits that number that they asked for. but I think we need to be cognizant of this as we move forward when we're addressing budget needs, when we're taking care of our most vulnerable, we have to prioritize that population, individuals with developmental and intellectual disabilities. They need our support. Those individuals who care for them are directly at the forefront of improving their quality of care and and their quality of life. And what could be more of a priority than that? So I just hope as we move forward, I hope we don't have to ask the governor for a higher increase. Hopefully she puts it in her budget next year, and then we can add to it, but at least give the groups what they need so we can have those dedicated individuals working as they do, caring for our most vulnerable citizens. So I'm glad that part is in this budget bill, And I thank the chairman for his time during our discussion. And I thank you, Madam Speaker.
Thank you.
Mr. Jensen. Thank you very much, Madam Speaker. Would the chair yield for some questions? Will the chair yield?
Yes, I will. The chair yields.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to dive into the essential plan to a degree. I know the federal government recently approved a waiver that would allow New York State to continue receiving essential plan dollars to cover the ELISA population. However, we did have to terminate the 1332 waiver for individuals between 200 and 250 percent of the federal poverty level. Is there a provision within this budget bill that would include actions to assist the individuals who are no longer eligible for the essential plan in affording or purchasing commercial coverage?
Well, in answer to your question, I'll give you a rather lengthy answer. You're absolutely right. The provisions of H.R. 1 that was enacted July of 2025 disqualifies most of the lawfully present immigrant population from receiving premium tax credits. Due to this, the current 1332 waiver will lose more than half of its current operating revenue, rendering it insolvent beginning in July of 2026. To maintain coverage for as many essential plan enrollees as possible, the state received authority from CMS, Dr. Oz, to terminate its 1332 waiver and reactivate the previously used 1331 basic health program effective July 1, 2020-26. The reactivation of this basic health program is a very important thing. and allows the state to access $9 billion in basic health plan trust fund to offset the loss of premium tax credit revenue and temporarily maintain the solvency of the essential plan for over 1.2 million enrollees. So by returning to the 1331 basic plan, 470,000 individuals with incomes between 200 and 250 percent of the federal poverty level will lose essential plan coverage. The state was not able to offer continued coverage for these individuals due to the immense cost associated with backfilling the loss of billions of dollars in federal funding. So the provision of the health care coverage is a longstanding partnership between the state and the federal government. Unfortunately, the actions by our current administration to roadblock longstanding eligibility standards have left thousands now ineligible for coverage.
Okay, so having that all been said. That's not good, but yes. Having all that being said, is there anything in this budget bill, whether it's premium assistance or is there anything to help mitigate all the things you just brought up in helping those who have been affected in that 200 to 250 percent of poverty level in affording the purchasing of commercial plans on the marketplace since they are now ineligible to be covered by the essential plan? Or is the plan by New York State just to let them float off into the ethers?
Well, I think that through our financial plan, we're trying to maintain as many individuals as we possibly can for them to maintain some form of health coverage.
Okay. And then just going back to the ELIASA, now that I'm pronouncing it more correctly, the ELIASA population.
So to comply with the court order in ensuring coverage for those affected, we're using the reverting back to the original essential plan waiver to ensure that we're complying with the court order.
Yes.
And there will be no interruption in coverage for that population.
Hopefully you don't. Hopefully, yes. Okay. Moving on to, is there any concern now that we're tapping into the Essential Plan Trust Fund, which I think you said $9 billion was in that trust fund?
Yes.
Is there any concern that while accessing that money that we could have the potential that the Essential Plan does become insolvent by 2032?
Those numbers are about correct and we're trying to figure out now how to alleviate that, what to keep it from happening, yeah. So we are concerned and we're trying to figure out in the out years how we're going to ensure that this time,
Absolutely.
six years from now, we're addressing it.
Yes. Okay. Moving on to the MCO tax and HICRA, I understand that this budget bill takes the legalized federal money laundering scheme of the MCO tax of 0.35% on total premium from health plans and extends it from the managed care organizations to all entities that offer health coverage, including private commercial plans.
Yes.
Correct? Okay. Would you agree that by taxing health insurance and health care services it may contribute to things being unaffordable or less affordable for New Yorkers on a whole
Well, they're already being taxed. There's nothing changing there.
Well, but we're raising, we're taking the tax that was just on the MCOs and extending that 0.35% tax rate on health insurance and health care.
I believe it was already there, and this is going to be the same.
On the private plans?
Yes.
but it's an increase on the HICRA that was already in place. So we're doing an increase?
No, I believe it's going to be the exact same number.
Exact same?
Yep.
Okay. Is it the most appropriate way of going about things to look at increasing the cost of coverages at a time when, as you just mentioned, we do have close to half a million New Yorkers who are going to be losing their essential plan coverage while they're looking for options on the marketplace, essentially making them purchase more expensive plans on New York State of Health?
Okay. Well, as you, I know, are well aware that we used to depend on federal support. Without that support now, we're still trying to find ways to cover these individuals.
Okay. Is there any concern now that we did get a temporary, through the work of members of our federal congressional delegation like Congressman Lawler, that we did get an extension on the MCO tax? is extending the tax to include all commercial plans a way to ensure that we're not utilizing it as simply a gimmick,
but we're doing it equitably across the entire ecosystem so that we can ensure that pot of federal money does continue to flow to New York State.
I kind of think that based on the individual you just mentioned, a former colleague of ours,
They never should have eliminated it.
And with regards to the extension, they really should have extended it for a longer period of time to give us more time to find a recovery path. Okay. Is it fair to assume that commercial plans will now be paying a higher tax than they were under the previous MCO tax arrangement?
No.
Okay. Is there any concern that this could affect the overall growth in unsustainability for Medicaid funding in the state, ensuring that our out years have a higher need for state costs?
This is, I think, being transferred through the stability fund. You know, we're increasing funding to hospitals and nursing homes.
Yep.
So.
Okay. So I know we mentioned that we do have a temporary waiver extension from the federal government,
and I think we would have, and I would agree with you that we'd like to see a longer extension, just to not have it come into question.
but can we assume that if that is, again, not extended, that we could see an increase in the taxing structure to ensure available dollars through that health care stability fund?
Okay. Well, I don't think we're looking to increase any taxes, and our investments have been spread out to be sustained over a number of years.
How many years?
A number of years. I don't know what that means.
Well there a lot of numbers I believe it like four years Four years Okay I know that the Governor Executive Budget Financial Plan included million in that general fund support in fiscal year 27
and $500 million thereafter to support the fund in offsetting the loss of MCO tax.
Is the general fund support still necessary?
Yes.
Okay. And how much was included in this enacted budget?
$750 million.
That's a lot of zeros. Under the new taxing structure, how much does the state anticipate in collecting?
$165 million.
Okay. We also have, you broke down some of the ways that we're going to be spending the stability fund. And you may have already said that if you did, I apologize. Could you give a breakdown of these allocations and how they may differ from what the executive proposed in January?
Well, I'll give you all of the MCO tax reinvestments. $711 million for hospitals, $451 million for nursing homes, assisted living programs, and hospice. $50 million to the physician fee schedule, $50 million to mainstream managed care quality pool, $330 million to the safety net transformation program, $40 million to clinics and federally qualified health centers, $15 million for FQHC value-based payments, and $500 million to the global cap offset, which comes to a total of $1.47 billion.
Okay, thank you very much. Pivoting over to the reforms to the independent dispute resolution provision, this budget bill includes provisions that would exclude Medicaid-managed care from the IDR process. It would create payment benchmarks and caps while making changes to the IDR process for the New York State Health Insurance Program. Could you provide the rationale for these changes and any fiscal implications for the state and the individuals enrolled in these health care plans?
Okay, well, like I said, this enacted budget includes savings of $28.5 million by carving the Medicaid out of the independent dispute resolution process. No other state in the United States allows Medicaid in the IDR process. This proposal brings New York in line with 49 other states and the federal government's surprise billing law.
Okay. Do you believe that these changes will make it more difficult to recruit providers in underserved areas of the state or participate in out-of-network care?
No.
No? Okay. How effective is the use of the 50th percentile benchmark and the 80th percentile fee cap in balancing fair payments to providers with cost controls for the health plans?
I think, well, depending on this reduction, I'll be looking for the next four years, four or five years on the NICHA participation. We're going to see how that pans out over the next few years.
Okay. Do we have any idea what the implications are for adding NYSHIP to the state IDR process rather than the federal mechanism?
We believe that health insurance premiums will go down as a result.
Okay. And how might this requirement that IDR entities choose the payment closest to the benchmark affect any sort of dispute outcomes
Okay, well, the goal of us to bring the margin closer, there are very few providers that are taking advantage of this. So it's what we're just trying to get it all together.
I know in yesterday's conversation surrounding other insurance area reform, we had an idea about how much folks may save. Do we have any idea if this is being done to bring down costs? Do we have any idea what the estimated cost savings are by implementing this reform?
Okay, I think of 21 to 24, the idea claims have increased 18 times from 778 claims to 14,166 claims per year. I can't give you a dollar amount, but that translates to it. You can see the scope of the number of claims has increased drastically.
Okay. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. and then just wanted to pivot to the integration of behavioral health services. Part Q of this budget bill would have created a single integrated behavioral health services license for providers serving individuals with co-occurring mental health and addiction issues through the Office of Addiction Services and Supports and the Office of Mental Health. What was the opposition to this proposal, and why do we not see it in this budget bill?
We're just something we're working on still, and it'll be done outside of the budget.
So do we expect between now and June 4th that we'll have a standalone piece of legislation addressing this?
I believe it's already passed this House.
Okay. And with that, no, I'm good. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Jensen.
Yeah, that's fine. Yep.
Madam Speaker, can we have the Social Services Committee to the Speaker's conference room, please? Social Services Committee members, please make your way to the speakers conference room. Social Services members, speakers conference room.
Mr. Sempolinski.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Will the chairman yield for a couple questions? Will the chair yield?
Yes, ma'am. Chair yields.
Well, thank you, Chairman, and I appreciate all the work that you've done on this and your staff and Mr. Pomisano's staff. and you've always been very professional and collegial and good humor through this process, so I know we all appreciate that. My questions are regarding Part P, the targeted inflationary increase. So we're at 2.7, if I'm correct, and that is approximately, give or take, the rate of inflation for this particular area. Am I correct? That's sort of where we're at?
Yes.
And are there any changes from this year to previous years in what is covered in that section?
No, sir.
What was that?
No, sir.
All right. Thank you.
And there is one adjustment insofar as how the providers have to use this money. and it says that they will submit a written certification attesting the funding will use to first promote the recruitment and retention of support staff, direct care staff, clinical staff, non-executive administrative staff, or respond to other critical non-personnel services prior to any salary increases or other compensation for executive level job
Titles. My one question regarding that is, it says, first promote, how would that work practically? There's really no change from last year, how does it calculate?
I'm sorry, say that again, sir.
There's no change from last year. All I'm saying is the restriction on how they have to spend the money to first with employees.
As far as I know, there's been no change in how they've done it in the past.
All right. So, thank you. I'm going to go on the bill then.
On the bill.
All right, I thank the chairman for answering my questions. Obviously, we started in the executive budget at 1.7. We're at 2.7, which is close to the rate of inflation. There was advocacy from a lot of folks to get to 4. I would have loved to get to 4. I certainly would have preferred 4. But what I am happy about in this time last year, I was very unhappy. because we were nowhere close to the rate of inflation, and the difference was not even sort of halfway between the executive and the one-house budgets. So whereas last year I was very mad, this year my reaction is sort of, eh, we're trending in the right direction. And that is the positive that I want to sort of put on this, even though I would have obviously preferred to be at four, is if you look over the long term on what was once called the COLA, now the TII, We were in a very shameful, in my opinion, position under the previous executive on what he was willing to do. The current executive has been better, and in this case, increasingly better over time where we've ended up, where we went from not getting anything to getting something to getting close to the rate, on the rate of inflation. Obviously, there's still the backlog from all those years of being behind inflation, which is why I think people wanted to get to four. But that trend line of increasingly caring about this issue and increasing investments on this is very positive. And so I want to also associate myself with some of the remarks that the ranking member on Ways and Means, Mr. Pomisano made about the importance of this particular line item. In my opinion, this is where we should start the budget every year, because you're dealing with extraordinarily vulnerable people, those who are doing God's work, taking care of them, and people who are in a position to need help through certainly no fault of their own. So I hope this trend line continues. I hope that next year we start with an executive budget that's more robust. I hope we can continue to make investments in this area that are increasingly positive. So while I'm not jumping up and down excited, I'm certainly in a better place than I was last year, and I will continue to advocate next year in the budget process for increased investments in this area. And one thing that's very positive about the TII is it tends to be something that brings, within the legislature, especially Republicans and Democrats, together. together. There was very across the board, across the ideological spectrum feeling that we needed to do more and continue to do more in this area. While there are other areas of this bill that I have very strong concerns about and will sort of dictate where I have to vote on this I do want to highlight this sort of moderately very positive situation here and hope that this trend continues into the future Thank you
Thank you. Mr. Slater.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Will the chairman yield for a few questions? Will the chair yield?
Yes, ma'am. The chair yields.
Good afternoon, chairman. Thank you. I just have a very few questions, specifically on the medical indemnity fund, something that we've spoken about a few times in the last couple months and that we've continued to focus on overall the last several years. This budget bill omits a proposal that would have benchmarked rates for MIFF services to other government payment rates while extending the current enhanced rates. Is that correct?
Yes.
Is this a permanent solution for funding of the MIFF?
I wouldn't say it was a permanent solution. It's a solution that we have for the time being.
So this is just a short-term fix based on what the governor had proposed in her executive budget?
Yes.
And it's enrollment issues regarding the accessibility of the fund. Will this require us to go back to the drawing board next year?
I don't believe we've made any changes with respect to going back.
In regards to access to the MIFF, can you tell us how many members of the MIFF there are today?
About 1,100.
And do we anticipate being able to support additional members with this current plan?
Yes.
How much additional funding is required for the MIFF in this fiscal year as a result of this proposal?
About $156 million.
Is that lined out in this particular budget bill?
No. I think it was in aid to localities.
It would be in aid to localities?
Yeah.
And I'm sorry, so you said that the total that we were allocating for the MIF is $156 million? Yes.
Is that more or less than we did last year?
I think it's about the same. I thought we were at about $213 million last year.
Okay, I believe there were some liabilities from previous years that were paid off that were included in that money.
Okay, and so with the 156, we can get into this at that appropriate time if you wish, but I just want to make sure I'm clear while we're on the topic.
The 156 would allow the MIF to continue to be solvent and accept new members if needed.
Yes.
Very good.
Well, those are all the questions that I have. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Thank you very much, Madam Speaker.
Thank you.
Ms. Walsh?
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Will Chair Pretlow yield for a few questions? Will the Chair yield?
Yes, ma'am. Chair yields.
Thank you very much. So I wanted to ask about Part X, the Medicaid for undocumented immigrants over 65. It was noted as a technical amendment. Could you explain what that technical amendment does?
Okay, we're taking them from managed care and transferring them to fee-for-service so it doesn't change their eligibility.
There's so much noise behind us.
I sorry it doesn change their eligibility For benefits yes And I heard you in response to an earlier question indicate that this change in Part X did not it was cost neutral There was no additional cost associated with it, is that correct?
Okay.
But that doesn't mean that New York spends $0 on Medicaid for undocumented immigrants, right?
No, it doesn't.
Do you happen to know how much New York currently spends on Medicaid for undocumented immigrants?
It's about $230 million.
See, now, I was, and I'm using Google, so you're the authority, I'm not probably, but I was just, I saw a number that was quite a bit higher. I saw $639 million annually on emergency Medicaid for undocumented immigrants.
Yeah, that's a different part of money.
That's a different part?
Yes, yes.
Okay, the number that you just gave, the 200 or so million,
was that just for undocumented immigrants over the age of 65?
Yes.
I see.
Okay. So the total cost for Medicaid coverage for undocumented immigrants could be more of the number that I'm talking about because it would encompass more than...
Colleagues, can we have quiet in the chamber or take your conversations out?
Thank you.
There is a possibility that it could be... When you look at all ages under the program. Very good. Thank you for that clarification. The second thing I wanted to talk about was Part P, the targeted inflationary increase section. And I definitely echo the comments made by previous speakers about being grateful that we did get up to a 2.7 percent increase rather than what the governor's proposal had been. I knew that they had looked for 4%. Certainly when I met with advocates in my office, the number was 4%. But is it your understanding that the advocates are maybe not as happy as they would be with 4%, but they're satisfied with the 2.7%?
I think you're referring to what was in our one house. But 3% works out to, what, $120 million? Yeah, every 1% is $104 million.
Okay. All right. So one of the things I wanted to just touch on was that when I met with advocates about disability services and OPWDD funding, they were really advocating for the inclusion of care coordination organizations, or CCOs, in funding increases. And my understanding is that these care coordinators, they assist families to navigate Medicaid and disability services. Do you know whether the targeted inflationary increase will impact in any way positively these care coordination organizations?
I don't believe they're included, no.
You don't believe that they do? Okay. All right. Thank you very much, Mr. Pretler.
I appreciate it.
Thank you, Madam Speaker.
Thank you.
Mr. Durso? Thank you, Madam Speaker. Would the chair yield for a couple of questions? Will the chair yield?
Yes, ma'am. The chair yields.
Sorry, Mr. Chairman, you look like you almost got comfortable there for a second. But I just wanted to touch on something that my colleague just spoke about, again, with the targeted inflationary increases. We're at 2.7 percent this year, correct?
Yes.
And it says here that it must be used for recruitment and retention of non staff first correct I believe so Okay So when we talk about recruitment and retention and using that what you just stated was roughly million correct
Yes.
Can you give me an example of what that could be used for for recruitment and retention?
So, in other words, are they using it for signage?
I'm sorry? Pay bonuses, any kind of remuneration that we have to give them. Okay, so it's not so much advertising and online advertisements, billboards, anything like that to recruit and retain.
It's going to be used to specifically monetarily retain those workers?
I think those items would be very minimal. They have to show exactly how this money is going to be used.
It all has to be basically, you know, put in front of, you know, any governing body to make sure that they're spending money in the right way.
But it can be used in those. It doesn't have to strictly go towards salaries, correct?
Yes.
Okay. Now, is there, and it has to go towards recruitment and retention first, then it could be used for salaries for those direct care workers?
Yes.
Okay. Now, can any of that money be used towards taxes, benefits, anything like that, or is it strictly for salaries?
I'm pretty sure it can be used for anything, including taxes.
Okay. So is that how the money was used last year when it came to direct care workers?
Yes, sir.
Okay. So really, there's no sense of – excuse me, I apologize. Who's making that decision on how that money is getting spent, what counts as recruitment and retention? Because if we're giving them 2.7 percent, which is just below the inflationary rate, these are our workers that are doing, as said by my other colleague, God's work. But now the money is not guaranteed to go specifically to salaries. they're actually taking a loss from last year in what they got, correct?
Maybe in some cases.
Can you give me an example of what those cases may be? So, in other words, sorry, I apologize. Let me ask more of a direct question. How much of this $120 million that is essentially set aside for direct care workers, which we all agree are some of the most important workers that we could have in taking care of our most vulnerable, has to go towards actual salaries for some of the lowest paid people in the industry. Do we know how much of it?
Because it doesn't seem like to this much of it at all.
Well, there's really no public reporting on that. They just have to attest to it. And I don't have the exact number in front of me, but I will be glad to provide it to you at a later date. So there's, and not you, sir, but I'm saying there's no public reporting on it. So we really don't know how much money of this $120 million is going to go towards signage, online recruitment, paper, mailers, anything like that to recruit. And we don't know how much is going to go towards actual, tangible salaries for workers.
Well, the state agencies that monitors this will be looking at it.
So do we have an idea of how much was spent from last year's budget and the money that was directed towards those workers, how much was spent in salaries as opposed to?
It's not reported to us, so I would have to say no.
Do you think that's a problem, sir, as far as the legislative body that's directing this money to go towards... towards direct care workers, which again, as I'll say, we all think are some of the most important workers, and we're all fighting for these workers' salaries, but we don't have numbers on how much is actually going towards the workers?
Yes, sir. You know, to that point, if you are referring to what we had in our one house, that was included, but it didn't make the final cut as several of our more stellar suggestions that were in our one-house budget did not make the final cut.
I would agree with you, sir. If you want, who could we blame for that? I won't put you on the spot, sir.
Thank you, Mr. Prello. That's all my questions.
Madam Speaker, on the bill?
On the bill.
So I want to thank the chair for taking my questions. It was really one just in regards to the target inflationary increases. Again, and I'll say it again, and I think there's nobody in here who will mind me saying it. Again, these workers do, as my colleagues said, God's work. They are taking care of our most vulnerable, and they are severely underpaid. And everybody in this chamber has fought for these workers to get more money, and now we're getting it, and we're not sure where the money's going, how it's being directed, and it sure as hell is not going into the pockets of those workers. Plain and simple. We should be worried about where this money's going. We should have some kind of report in front of us every single year of how this money's being spent, because in all honesty, the money's supposed to go towards, again, the workers that are taking care of these individuals, and it obviously is not. Thank you, Madam Speaker.
Thank you. Mr. Levine.
Will the members of the local governments committee please meet immediately in the speaker's conference room?
Thank you, Speaker.
Thank you.
Local government committee members, please make your way to the speaker's conference room, local government speaker's conference room.
Mr. Molitor. Thank you, Madam Speaker. Will the sponsor yield? Mr. Pretlow, will you yield? Yes, Madam Speaker, I yield.
The sponsor yields.
Thank you, Mr. Pretlow. I made sure not to make the mistake of asking you to yield based on a limited number of questions. So I want to focus on the MCO tax. How does that work? How does the MCO tax work? I'll give you a breakdown in two seconds. It collects 0.35% assessments on total premium revenue for managed care organizations that starting in January of 2027, the tax is expected to bring in $165 million in net benefit to the state for fiscal year 27-28. And, of course, these additional funds will be used to maintain health care stability fund investing going forward. I'm sorry, Mr. Pratlow. I'm having difficulty hearing you. Did you say that it's a tax on insurance premiums or insurance premium revenue? On premium revenue. Okay. Okay so that a tax that the insurance companies will pay and they pay that to the state Yes they already paying it Well how much are they paying right now I think it a total in a second It a dollar I can figure the number out Okay, can we work that to $1.50 to $2 per member per month? Okay. And so this will increase it by .03? No, this will actually decrease. .35%. 0.35%. Okay. And when that money is collected by the state, what implication does that have with money that we may receive from the federal government? This goes into our fund, and then we receive a federal match. Okay. Okay. So the higher the tax is, the more money we receive as a match. Is that correct? That would be correct. Okay. And then what do we do with the money that we receive as a match? Then it gets spent the same way that the additional money was spent previously. So it goes towards what exactly? Health care. If you spend a dollar on the hospital, you can get a dollar. If you go to hospitals, it goes to? Like I say, if we spend a dollar on a hospital, we get a dollar from the federal government. Okay. And this tax is applied across the board for all insurance? Everyone pays the same, you know, 0.35%. So if you're a small business owner and you are buying insurance through the ACA exchange, you are paying, you could be paying an increase in premiums. Isn't that correct? You could, but small businesses are not included. Okay, so if you're an individual, let's say, who's purchasing on the exchange, you could see a premium increase as a result of the MCO tax increase, couldn't you? Okay, so let's say if you're a small group of insurers, you're not seeing an increase. You're not part of this. responsible for paying it. Well, you just said that it applies across the board to all insurance. Large groups, like the insurance group that most of us belong to, NYSHIP. Okay. So if you're a county, one of the 62 counties that offers a large group plan, you could see your costs increase. Isn't that right? Yes. And they're already paying this under the old method. Right. But that's ending because we want to be in federal compliance. Otherwise, we'll be accused of things like fraud, which is not the case. So what we're doing now is making across the board everyone pays the .35%. Fiscally, it works out about the same. Okay. So when the counties have to pay increased costs because of the rise in the MCO tax, and they disperse that cost amongst property tax owners, we should just tell them that, hey, we're supposed to do this because we're already doing it? Is that what we should be telling them? I saying I think you trying to infer that we raising the rate and we not We replacing the old method of calculating the dollars received with a new method which is more uniform with the rest of the country So 0 is what it worked out to and is similar to what the to worked out to fiscally Okay. So I'm sure someone much smarter than me has calculated what the difference is going to be in changing the previous method from the dollar assessment to this percentage. What is that change going to be? There is no change. There's no change. As far as I know, and I'm not going to comment on anyone's math skills as to how this number was worked out, but I trust the person that did figure this out. And as far as I know and what this budget anticipates is that there is no change. Okay. I hope you're right, Mr. Pretlow. On the bill? On the bill. So I don't know who the person is who calculated this change. And I would like to believe and hope that this is not going to increase costs. But I hope we can all next year, if it is a problem, hold that person or persons responsible. if it is, because we have some of the highest health insurance premiums in the nation. We spend more on medical care than in any other state. Our Medicaid, the amount that we spend on Medicaid in New York State is larger than both Texas and Florida combined. And just last year, this state tried to raise the MCO tax to increase the federal match, and it got struck down because it was extremely problematic and prejudicial. And so I hope what we're not doing here is I hope that we are not going to increase burdens on our counties, on large group insurance purchasers, on individuals who are buying into the exchange, because if we start to see increased premiums, that is not going to make anybody's life more affordable here in New York. It will just continue the trend of things being less affordable here in New York. So, you know, here we are passing another budget bill, and my hope is that we're not doing so on a hope and a prayer. So I will be voting negative on this piece of legislation. I'd encourage my colleagues to do so as well. Thank you.
Thank you. Mr. Keith Brown?
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Will the Chairman of Ways and Means yield for some questions? Mr. Pretlow, will you yield?
Yes.
Chair yields.
Thank you, Mr. Pretlow. Just some questions with regard to the intentional omission of co-occurring disorder measures in this particular portion of the budget. Do you have any particular reason why the co-licensure measures were not included?
Okay, this is something that we've already passed. We're waiting for the Senate to pass it. We did it outside of the budget.
Oh, really? So we expect to have a bill on that within the next week?
We've already had a bill. We've already passed it. The Senate has not taken it up yet.
Okay. And there was a second part of it in the state of the state that the governor mentioned with respect to having OMH and OASIS certified providers meet the highest standards through other changes that will be made to break down the barriers between OMH and OASIS Was there anything like that included or contemplated in the budget by our House or the Senate?
I believe that was all part of the bill we just mentioned. Okay. It's already been passed.
Okay. And then with respect to problem gambling, I didn't see any mention of how we're addressing problem gambling in this state.
Well, that is included. We give $500 per unit of gambling apparatus to Oasis, which is used for problem gambling. I think you have to look at Part R. Okay, we're expanding the substance use disorder treatment coverage, and there are other additions in Part R of this bill.
I'm sorry, can you say that again? I said Part R of the bill in front of us.
It expands the substance use disorder treatment coverage to other addictions. And that's the problem gambling is in the other addictions? Yes.
Okay. And then a question. Was there any money for early intervention and hospice contained in this budget?
I don't believe there's any additional monies.
Nothing additional?
Nothing additional.
Okay. Just bear with me a second. Thank you. during the budget hearing process about setting up a three-tier process for people that present themselves with substance use disorder and other similar affirmatives, that there would be a way to set them up so that they had a different treatment level based on what level of substance use disorder they had. There was a baseline, an intermediate level, and then another level. And then the licensure was going to be connected with that. So we matched the person who presents with an issue with the proper licensed therapist. Was there anything mentioned about doing that in the budget?
I'm not sure if that's mentioned in this bill.
I'm sorry?
I believe that's part of the bill that we discussed earlier and is not included in the bill in front of us.
Okay. All right. And then I'm sure you're aware that there's a major problem in our state when it comes to the reimbursement for therapists with respect to whether they're paid by Medicaid and Medicare, or were they paid by private insurance?
The so-called parity that we fixed in one respect, but we're not addressing it in terms of enforcement. So the practice still continues that if you are a person with an affliction and you get treatment by private insurance, that therapist is only paid 50 cents on a dollar. Have we done anything to address that issue at all? Well, I think two years ago we mandated that they pay at least the Medicaid rate for those services.
Right. And ironically, the problem isn't on the Medicare and Medicaid side. It's on the private insurance side.
Well, private insurers were paying less than the Medicaid rate.
Right. So if I'm a therapist...
And we mandated that they pay at least the Medicaid rate. We increased it.
Right. So in the last couple of years, we just heard debate on the raising of what we used to call COLA, now the target inflationary rate, the 2.7.
We've been, over the last couple of years, trying to increase that. But if you're a provider and you provide someone with private insurance, you're still not getting paid 100 cents on the dollar.
And it's a major problem that we're having out there because if a provider is going to treat one person that gets Medicare and Medicaid, another person that has private insurance,
They're more apt to treat the person with Medicare and Medicaid.
So this has been a problem. We fixed it in the policy several years ago by having reporting to DFS,
but we haven't fixed the financial side of the equation.
Has there been any attempt in this year's budget to fix that parity problem?
There's nothing in the budget pertaining to that.
Okay. Sorry? What was the end?
There's nothing in the budget pertaining to that.
Okay. Okay, great. Thank you. No further questions, Madam Speaker.
Thank you, Ms. Lunsford. Thank you, Madam Speaker. Could we please have the health committee to the speaker's conference room? Health committee members, please make your way to the speaker's conference room. Health committee members, speaker's conference room. Read the last section. This act, she'll take it back immediately. A party vote's been requested. Ms. Walsh.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. The Republican conference will generally be in the negative on this piece of legislation. But if there are members who wish to vote yes, now would be the appropriate time to do so at your seats.
Thank you, Ms. Lunsford. Thank you, Madam Speaker. The majority will generally be in the affirmative on this bill. If you would like to register your vote in the negative, you may do so from your seats. Thank you.
Thank you. The clerk will record the vote. Thank you. Thank you Thank you. Thank you. Thank you Thank you. Thank you. Ms. Walsh to explain her vote.
Thank you very much, Madam Speaker. So I appreciated the discussion that we had, the debate that we had on this particular bill. I wanted to just explain my vote because I do really, although I'm constrained to vote no on this bill because of other reasons, I did want to say that I thought that as far as the targeted inflationary increase, formerly known as COLA, I'm glad for that 2.7 percent increase. Because of the work that I have done historically over the years with the developmentally disabled community, a lot of advocates come and meet with me. And I know that they really did want 4 percent because they've been historically not treated well in previous budgets. I am glad to see the 2.7 percent. I don't think it's enough. And I would also say that I do wish that there was greater flexibility as to how it could be spent. But I did want to just state for the record that I do agree with my colleagues and all of us agree, I think, that if we're going to put cuts in this budget, this is not the place to do it. I'm glad to see the increase that we have. I do wish it could have been more, but I do think that it will help us to continue to make investments in the workers who take care of our most vulnerable. So I do support that piece of the budget and other pieces as well. Overall, though, I can't support the total amount that's spent on Medicaid. I think it just such a huge huge part of our budget and I don think it sustainable going forward So I will be a no but I do appreciate that piece for the COLA Thank you Thank you Ms Walsh
And the negative, Ms. Giglio, to explain her vote.
Thank you, Madam Speaker, to explain my vote. I also agree with my colleagues. I was very happy to see in both one-house bills the increase to 4% for the COLA. The fact that it got diminished down to 2.7%, I agree with my colleagues in that They have been operating at a structural deficit, and the rate of inflation keeps rising, and the increase that they are given each year don't equate to what they need to run these homes and run these places where our most vulnerable population goes. So I appreciate the efforts of both houses in their one-house bill, but I am not happy to see that it was diminished down to 2.7 percent. And because of many other things in the bill and the spending problem that this state has, especially with the Medicaid budget, that I will not be able to support the bill. But I do appreciate the 2.7 percent increase. Thank you, Madam Speaker.
Thank you, Ms. Giggly on the negative. Ms. Lunsford.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Can we have the Governmental Operations Committee to the Speaker's conference room, please? GovOps, committee members, speakers, conference room. GovOps, committee members, make your way to the speakers, conference room.
Are there any other votes? Announce the results. Ayes 101, nays 41. The bill is passed. Page 8, Rules Report 217. Clerk will read. Assembly number 10009C, Rules Report 217, Budget Bill. Governor's message is at the desk. Clerk will read. I hereby certify to an immediate vote, Kathy Hochul, Governor. An explanation has been requested. Mr. Pratlow.
Yes, Madam Speaker. I'm going to give you a lengthy explanation, and maybe it will then not require many questions on debate. This bill would enact major pieces of legislation that are required to implement the revenue proposals that are necessary to ensure a balanced state budget. This bill would rise an additional $562 million in state revenues during state fiscal year 26-27. In the out years, revenue will increase by $1.9 billion for fiscal year 27-28, $2.3 billion for 28-29, $1.6 billion for fiscal years 29-30, and $841 million for fiscal year 30-31. Major provisions within this bill include language to provide protecting our wallets energy rebate checks, eliminate income taxes on state wages, enact the temporary Article 9A corporate franchise tax extension rate for two years, three years, I'm sorry, authorize New York City to impose a surcharge on property that does not serve as a primary residence, enhance the New York City musical and theatrical production tax credit, increase income eligibility thresholds for scribe and dry programs, streamline the STAR program, enhance tax credits for donations to food pantries by farmers, amend property tax exemption, for certain disabled veterans, expand standard-bred testing requirements, and provide extensions to various tax credits and exemptions that already exist in current law. With that, Madam Speaker, I encourage the members to support this piece of legislation.
Mr. Palmisano.
That's Madam Speaker. Mr. Pretlow, will you yield for some questions?
I knew you'd still have questions.
Mr. Pretlow, will you yield?
A few.
We have a few, Mr. Pretlow.
The chair yields.
Thank you. You've said, I just want to ask again, I know on committee, how much revenue, how much does revenue increase by this bill on a two-year basis? I think you said $560 on a one-year basis.
Okay, $562 million for a state fiscal year 26, 27.
So for one year, so for two years, it would be double that?
I believe it was $1.9 billion in fiscal year 2017-2018.
Okay. And what about the net tax, not the net tax, how much of a tax revenue decrease?
The only decrease we're doing is for tax on tip wages.
Okay. All right. That's okay. I want to talk about the pied-de-terra for a minute. This new surcharge will put an annual New York City tax on certain high-valued residential properties.
Yes.
What specific factors will the New York City Department of Finance use to determine not a primary residence, and how will this provision ensure uniform treatment across buildings and owners to avoid inconsistencies?
Well, beginning with the city's fiscal year 28-29, the tax rate would range from 0.8% to 1.3% for one to three family residences and condos and co-ops with a market value in excess of $5 million. The surcharge applies to a co-op unit. Where a surcharge applies to a co-op unit, the proposals include language to require the co-op corporation to collect the surcharge from the tenant shareholder associated with that unit.
This proposal has certainly been in the news and it's been talked about pretty extensively. I know obviously the mayor did a press conference outside one of the homeowners. One of the concerns we keep hearing about is the potential impact on investment and development in the city. Are you concerned about the threat to reduced investment and development in the city that could help grow the city's housing stock, create up more affordable units?
Okay, again this proposal would only impact a very small percentage of properties in the city. Additionally, the proposal would exempt certain recently constructed properties.
So are you concerned that this, I know you say a few people, but high income, high wealth, are you concerned that that might reduce that investment? Are you concerned this might reduce that investment from these individuals who can make that investment?
We've heard these arguments before, yet the number of high income earners has increased significantly over the past few years. In New York City New York State even after raising income taxes a few years ago people who can afford multimillion dollar second homes are unlikely to relocate simply because of this proposal Okay We know that the city is facing severe fiscal challenges in the coming years
and allowing the city to change the amortization schedule is just kicking the can down the road. Is the revenue projected for this new tax on sturdy ground?
Yes.
was taxpayer behavior a factor in the estimate for how much this tax would generate?
Yes.
And if the tax fails to generate its projected revenue, will we be here next year or the year after trying to figure out another way to make this up?
This is a New York City issue. This is not really a state issue. We're not doing this statewide. That would be up to New York City. If they don't obtain the funds that they think, they may come up with a different idea.
Sure, I understand that. Will the billing the surcharge at the building level risk imposing costs on uninvolved tenant stockholders?
I don't believe so.
What mechanisms are in place to protect against passing the surcharge on to non-covered tenant holders?
I'm sorry, so was it the question?
Yeah, I could do that. What mechanisms are in place to protect against passing the surcharge on to non-covered tenant stockholders?
Well, the language in the bill says that the co-op board will collect this solely from the individuals who own these high-value properties. and it wouldn't be passed on to the other residents of the co-op or condo. Okay.
I want to, if I may, I may come back to this, but I'd like to go to the decoupling provisions of H.R.1. Yes.
This bill includes decoupling measures from certain H.R.1 that passed at the federal level.
Yes. that really affected timing and treatment of research and experimental expenditures and other deductions. Why is the state moving to increase near-term tax costs on manufacturers when the manufacturing community, who I've met with, I'm sure you've met with, has warned that this will directly undermine investment expansion and modernization in New York State?
Well, sir, I really don't believe that is the case. What we're doing in this legislation is maintaining current law. H.R. 1 took away the requirement to spread R&D expenditures over a number of years to make it fully deductible in year one. What New York State is doing is maintaining what's always been and having that deductibility spread over a number of years. The net effect to the corporations is negligible because they just don't get it all up front. They get it spread over the life of the property.
Wouldn't that be impactful, though? Because, I mean, there are some states that are decoupling, but there are some states that are not decoupling, like Ohio's not decoupling. I don't have New Jersey down as not decoupling yet. South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee, Florida, Texas. isn't that a risk that we run losing those investments to these states that are more friendly on from an upfront perspective? I really hate to compare New
York State with any other state I understand For the most part they don have as complex a tax system as we have here in New York Okay What is the counter to manufacturers
who have argued that this provision makes New York State a less attractive place to start or expand a business because it raises the tax cost of investing, hiring and building here instead of a competitive state that doesn't?
It does not raise the tax. It maintains what tax is on the board right now. And over the course of the amortization period, the net dollar effect is zero. All right.
And so why is this burden falling on manufacturers for buying equipment, building facilities, funding R&D, instead of on broader fiscal reforms? Because that's what was put into H.R. 1.
Those are the individuals that got the or received the opportunity to put their R&D cost expense in one year. And there's no concern from, obviously, your side, the majority of the governor,
that we run the risk of losing these manufacturers and their investment and taking it to another state that's not decoupling like other states are?
Well, not to throw anybody under the bus, so to speak, but this was a proposal by the executive, and we accepted it.
Okay. I want to talk about some of the other business tax impacts.
The legislature previously scheduled the higher rates to expire at the end of 2026. Yes.
And this budget now extends them further through tax year 29, correct?
Yes.
Why does it seem every temporary tax imposed by this body never seems to be temporary?
We didn't have the funding available to let this expire due to the increased Medicaid costs that we've experienced because of the massive cuts in Medicaid to this state. and our need or our desire to maintain as many individuals covered by health insurance that we couldn't otherwise do if we let the tax increases expire.
Just to counter that argument, if business taxes can be reduced, that increase business activity, possibly increase jobs, possibly increase more investment, which would lead to more tax revenue coming from that perspective of that argument.
I really don't think that the tax revenue gained by those actions would be equal to the tax revenue lost by letting the tax increase of the past expire. And we needed something definite and something definite now because, as stated in the previous bill,
in the 1st of July, which is two months from now, hundreds of thousands of individuals are going to lose their health coverage. And from a business tax perspective, we know we have one of the highest tax states. We know business climate, the competitiveness, the royalties are at the bottom. How do these higher rates make us more competitive? And wouldn't lowering tax rates across the board help provide incentives for businesses to invest and stay here and come here?
That can be argued, but I think that our business community in New York right now is
very vibrant How much more does it cost taxpayers to provide incentives and how much of a strain does it put on local government budgets to provide exemptions and incentives just to get a business to consider siting a new construction in the state of New York Wouldn just reducing taxes across the board help with that problem
I really don't have the answer to that. Sorry.
That's all right. I'd like to move over to the power check program for a little bit, if I could.
Yes.
I see that you have this rebate check. How much is that rebate check again?
I believe we're giving – the total would be $1 billion. $1 billion?
How much would it be for a family for income ranges?
$200 for joint filers with incomes below $150,000. $150 for joint filers with incomes between $150,000 and $300,000. And $100 for single filers with incomes below $150,000.
Thank you for that. I know we had a proposal out to our lower program. That was one part of it. It wasn't the entire piece of it. I know we talked about it. I don't know if it fit here, but if we really want to help on the utility side of things, wouldn't that $2.4 billion that's sitting in NYSERDA hands, wouldn't it have been a better thing to add to them if we wanted to provide that relief to ratepayers?
That would be, but it's not in this bill.
Yes. But there are proposals out there that could fit into this bill. There's a proposal, in fact, it happens to be my proposal, Mr. Prattlow. Maybe we'll consider it in a committee before the end of the year. It would basically suspend those taxes, fees, assessments, and surcharges that are actually on the utility bill that sometimes make up as much as 20 percent of the utility bill. Wouldn't that have been a good thing to include in this bill to provide fast, direct, immediate relief to rate payers, especially considering that constant is up to 20 percent bill?
We're going to be under consideration right now, and maybe we can get it done in the next two weeks, or hopefully we can attack it next year.
And do you think, I know there's a lot of talk about affordability, do you think this one-time rebate is really going to provide that direct relief on utility bills that New Yorkers want?
It's a help. It's a step forward. To some people, $200 doesn't mean a lot. To many people, $200 is a lot.
I mean, at the rate we're going now, $200 amounts to maybe a bag and a half of groceries.
Yeah.
Something is better than nothing.
I agree. But we can always do more.
On that point, too, I was going to ask.
Oh.
Excuse me.
Half of a drink.
I know, and I refer to it, New York City is getting a bailout to the tune of billions of dollars for budget problems the city created. Ratepayers didn't create the utility affordability crisis, but they're really drowning because of decisions really made in this chamber. And I appreciate the attempt to help. We really need to do more. Are there any other existing pots of money that could be used to provide some relief to ratepayers during these hot summer months that are coming?
If there are, they're not in this bill.
Okay. And I think the other point, when I think I lost my train of thought for a minute, I know we have the rebate at something, but another bill we passed that had a – We provided credits for people that purchased electric vehicles, electric, you know, to the tune of $30,000, which would be paid for by the ratepayer. So now we're giving them a little bit here, but we're still taking away from them on the other side, aren't we?
Well, I believe that was an effect of things that happened in Washington that took away the federal subsidies that were being allocated to electric vehicles.
Okay.
One moment, Mr. Palmisano, you can use your second 15.
Ms. Lunsford. Thank you, Madam Speaker. Could we please have the Education Committee to the Speaker's Conference Room?
Education Committee members to the Speaker's Conference Room. Education Committee members, Speaker's Conference Room. Mr. Palmisano for your second 15.
Yes, thank you, Madam Speaker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I'm going to switch, if I could, to the alternative nicotine products tax that was included in this budget. This puts in place a 75% wholesale tax on nicotine products, is that correct?
Yes, it does.
This would be in line with other, like, cigarette combustible products, is that right?
Yes.
Why would we want to categorize nicotine pouches and similar products to be folded in the same category and tax structure as tobacco products?
Well, the nicotine is usually a product of tobacco.
I know.
It has similar effects. And, you know, arguably it has the same health hazards associated with it in the form of gum, tongue, and throat cancers, even though the manufacturers claim that's not the case. It is also attractive to young individuals since they have been manufacturing flavored nicotine pouches, which we in this house have historically fought against.
So, I mean, you know, a lot of people are going to these pouches, nicotine pouches, to switch over from smoking because it's less harmful because smoking causes cancer, nicotine polishes, I'm not saying nicotine has a health risk, but not compared to smoking. It seems like we're going to make this more expensive for them, and then if they're comparing, why would I switch if I can have the cigarette with the same thing? I mean, they're going to pay the same expense. Isn't that a concern?
Well, you know, there are other optional alternatives, like chewing gum to smoking. Nicotine is classified as a poison. It's used in some weed killers. And to ingest it, which one is doing when they put it in their mouth, even though they don't physically swallow it, I don't believe.
I only saw one the first time in the past couple of months.
but they are ingesting nicotine and it's definitely not a healthy product.
Is there any concern about the illicit sales channels now that you're going to tax this? I know you mentioned your concern for youth, and I saw a study that was in the National Youth Tobacco Survey that said there's a 1.6% youth usage. So what is the rationale for taxing nicotine pouches when doing so creates the risk of an illicit trade market that could expand opportunities for youth use through that illicit market rather than now not being able to access it through a proper retailer We use the same apparatus in place for the nicotine enforcement for six cigarettes
and on this to make sure that people are not selling untaxed pouches.
Obviously, this is a very regressive tax, and we're already seeing what other states are doing. like I know Rhode Island after they implemented this tax, their projected revenue plummeted following the wholesale, implementing the wholesale tax. Are we prepared to deal with that when that happens and revenue estimates that we're talking about getting from this?
Well, like you say, most of these same taxes are regressive taxes. The people that can lease the floor are usually the ones that are paying the most because they utilize the products that we're trying to eliminate. But in answer to your question, we're doing the best we can with the current situation that we find ourselves.
Wouldn't it be better to, instead of expanding the tax to alternative nicotine products and focus on enforcement against illicit sales or sales to minors, wouldn't it be better to do that rather than increasing the tax?
Well, you know, we tried that a while ago when we tried to limit indoor smoking, and that was replaced by vaping. And what we found then is that people use vaping products to attract more kids toward nicotine by introducing all these different flavors, bubble gum and ice cream and all kinds of flavors of vapes. And then we find out that vaping is just as hazardous as smoking. I think all of these nicotine alternatives, if they're using nicotine, are going to be ultimately hazardous to one's health.
This revenue is certainly dependent on consumer behavior. How are we going to address that as we move forward if it's going to impact consumer behavior, correct?
I'm sorry. Say it again.
Yeah, sure. How sensitive is this revenue to changes in consumer behavior, especially if consumers switch to untaxed or lower tax products?
Okay, I understand that's been anticipated in this bill in front of us, and it's in the fiscal plan.
Okay. And is a state tax and finance department ready and prepared to administer and enforce this expansion?
I would hope so, yes.
What's that?
I would guess this was their proposal.
And how will the state prevent product mislabeling and classification games designed to avoid the tax?
That will be determined by the authorities.
And I know there are some other alternatives being proposed by some asking for, you know, to go to a unit-based tax. Is there any reason why that wasn't considered?
Yeah, it was considered an annuity that decided to go along with the proposal of the tax and finance.
Okay. Thank you, Mr. Pretlow, for your time. Madam Speaker, on the bill?
On the bill.
Madam Speaker, my colleagues, we're in the process of passing a budget of more than a quarter of a trillion dollars. The fact of the matter is, as we take up this revenue bill, we have a spending problem, not a revenue problem. I'm very concerned about the continuation of business taxes that were supposed to be temporary, that were supposed to go away, that the impact that will have on businesses that are here, that want to stay here. I think that a concern that I have and will continue to have businesses have They want to invest here They said it was a temporary tax but yet it not temporary And we know that we have a challenging business climate already here in this state. I'm also concerned about these power rebates. It's nice we're going to send a $200 check to families, but that's not just a drop in the bucket to help provide direct immediate ratepayer relief. There are other things we can do. We could refund that $2.4 billion. I know it's not part of this bill, but we could do that, get that direct relief rate back to ratepayers now instead of letting NYSERDA sit on it for green energy programs. We could also, in this bill, and we have a bill coming, that would suspend the taxes, fees, assessments, and surcharges on our utility bills, which can constitute up to 20% of our utility bill. So I think that's something we need to look at. This peer-to-teer tax for New York City, the surcharge, we all saw the mayor hold a press conference outside the home indicating these individuals aren't doing enough, not paying their fair share. These are the very people who invest significant amounts of money in their communities, whether it's real estate investment, whether it's business job creation. They create jobs that bring more income that is taxed, to bring more income into the city, into the state. Those are the same people that increase charitable contributions that help people in our community. And as we see more people moving to Texas, Florida, Tennessee, a more friendly business environment tax climate, we're going to see more of those businesses and families leave for a more favorable tax climate. And it's not just the high wealthy income. It's other people that are leaving the state because they're feeling pinched by the cost of living and not getting enough. the tax regulatory structure in the state is too burdensome, and we need to address that. And to think that people aren't going to leave our state because of this tax, because they can afford it, I think is just really kind of bad judgment. I worry about that. I also, relative to the decoupling, we heard from our manufacturers that said, this will jeopardize their investment in the state. This could jeopardize new businesses coming here. If you had to choose between a state that didn't decouple and a state that did decouple, you're going to go to that state where you're going to get that upfront investment because there's usually those upfront investments that are critical for a manufacturer to locate, for a manufacturer to grow or expand. States like Texas, Florida, Tennessee, Ohio, New Jersey, South Carolina, North Carolina have not decoupled. I think we missed the point with decoupling. It's about allowing the upfront investment, the benefit from that, you're worried about losing revenue, but what you're losing is that upfront investment that's going to generate more revenue, more private sector investment, more private sector jobs. From those private sector jobs, income that can be taxed, that's going to be the response when we look at not decoupling, but we're decoupling. We already know that New York is already a difficult place to do business. The tax regulatory, the climate challenges, the energy costs, workers' comp, all of it. This would have been a way to jumpstart more private sector investment. this would have been a way to jumpstart more job creation here in New York State. Unfortunately we said no because of the federal government And I think this really is just going to hurt our manufacturers and it going to hurt our communities as well I just concerned we losing the opportunity for more job creation more private sector investment and yes, which would create more revenue coming into our state coffers so we can pay for these important programs. And I did want to address the alternative nicotine product, again, the 75% tax, to put it on the same tax level as combustible cigarettes. We've heard from people that have done this, made this change, because they were smoking, and they looked at this as a better alternative for a health perspective. We know it's not as harmful as smoking cigarettes from the perspective of what we're going to do. We know in New York, people who use this, now we're going to increase costs on these people who want to use this alternative, which is going to make it difficult. And this is less harmful than combustible cigarettes. Why do we want to increase the costs on them more? And the fact of the matter is, in New York State, we spend more than $12 billion a year on smoking-related costs, including more than $7 billion on Medicaid, which we just dealt with in the last budget. So this action will take a less harmful alternative away from people who want to try to improve their health and get off cigarettes and make that alternative much more expensive. And the taxes we are collecting from this, that we're going to be paying more, is going to be totally offset by the increased Medicaid costs because those people might not have the opportunity to switch. And I know people were saying, I remember questioning the Tax and Finance Commission at a budget hearing, saying it's about youth involvement. The National Youth Tobacco Survey said 1.6% usage. Unfortunately, I believe what it's going to do is it's going to create an illicit market for people, including younger people, and we know that happens. we've seen these illicit markets with the sticker stores that come about with selling cannabis. So younger people are going to have access to this illicit market where they wouldn't be able to get it in a store because there's proofing and other things that go on in that if they fall the right way. But we're going to drive people away from a more health alternative. It just doesn't make sense to me. And I know there was another alternative proposed, the unit-based tax that people came in and suggested that would make this system and not make it as expensive for the user who they want. People want this alternative, and that's unfortunate. That was not considered. That was not addressed in here. And as we talked about, this is a regressive tax and a loss of revenue. and our neighbor in Rhode Island did this, and they saw their revenues plummet. So there are a host of problems with this bill from my perspective. I went down the list, the pay-a-de-terre, the decoupling, the business tax increase, continuing the power check, not doing enough, could have went much further. We should have went much further to help on the utility costs. And, of course, this alternative nicotine products tax. I just don't think, based on these issues, that's why I'm going to be voting in the negative on this bill and why I would urge many of my colleagues to join me and do the same. Thank you, Madam Speaker.
Thank you, Mr. Pirazzolo.
Good afternoon, Madam Speaker. How are you doing today?
Fabulous.
And you?
Okay.
I'm just hoping that Mr. Prella wouldn't mind, but I'm going to choose to speak on the bill only today.
On the bill, sir.
All right. So listen, as a legislature, you know, we talk about two things. We talk about, well, a lot of things, especially this being an election year. We talk about affordability and we talk about safety. And you're going to hear members standing up after this bill is passed and throughout this entire budget process, and they're going to be going door to door saying, I am proud that I passed this bill, that I made things more affordable and more safe. So I want to talk directly to New Yorkers all over the state, particularly from New Yorkers from New York City and from Staten Island and within my district. Do you actually feel that your life is better? We have a tax here, the pied-à-terre tax, to tax millionaires. And most people will say, well, that's okay. I'm not a millionaire. It's not me. All right, that might be true. But we also have speed cameras. We also have red light cameras. Do you own a car? So you're getting taxed there as well. Some people might say, hey, I don't own a car, no big deal. Do you take a bus? Do you ride the subway? It's $3. Do you think that service that you're getting is worth it? Do you think that the MTA, which has never had an independent audit, is spending your money wisely? Do you think that this legislator or any of these legislators here are spending your money wisely? yet they're going to come knock on your door and tell you how proud they are to have passed this. Let's talk about the small businesses. I'm a small businessman. When COVID hit, I was asked to pay more, to contribute more, because we have to help. That tax was a temporary tax. It was supposed to come back. It was supposed to stop. Now we're extending it. How is that right? How is that justified? At a time when small businesses are struggling, we're continuing this tax and adding on with many more taxes, regulations, and fees. If you live in a NYCHA housing complex, do you really feel like this system is working for you? How about when your water doesn't work? How about when your gas doesn't work? How about when there's swallowing rats and vermin throughout your entire complex? Does that make you feel like this legislature has your best interests at mind? I doubt it very much. Let's talk about the money we're throwing into public schools. If you live in a low-income neighborhood, if you're a minority, do you really think that the school is taking care of your children? How many children, particularly black and brown children, low-income neighborhoods, minority children, cannot read and write at grade level? There are some schools in New York City where 90 to 95 percent, if not higher, cannot read at grade level. Does that make you think as a parent we are taking care of your child? Because we absolutely are not. And we probably have the highest per student ratio in the country. It's been a generational failure when it comes to education. It's time to stop. And what do we do here as a legislature? I hear people stand up all the time and go, it's not us, it's not me, it's the guy in the White House. Well, I'm going to tell you this. any time an elected official has to point to somebody else for the problem that you're facing, chances are they're the reason that problem exists. If you want change, if you want your life to get better, if you want the money that is collected by New Yorkers to be spent on you in a reasonable way that improves your life, it's time for change. And the only way you going to get that change is to vote for change in November You can no longer continue to vote the way you have for generations because if you continue to do so you will be in the same position
you have been in for generations. Mr. Pirazzolo, we need to make comments relative to the bill, sir. Thank you. Ms. Forrest, and actually we're going to go to Ms. Lunsford first. Ms. Lunsford.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. If you could have the Children and Families Committee please to the Children and Families Committee members, please make your way to the Speaker's conference room.
Children and Families members, we are speaking, asking questions on this specific bill only. Thank you, Ms. Forrest.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. On the bill?
On the bill.
Okay. We started this year with families on the brain. Workers and community safety was the gold post, and we knew from the federal level no help was to be found. We had one job and one job only, protect New Yorkers from greedy oligarchs posing as federal heads of state. However, now simply stated, this austerity budget falls far short of what New Yorkers organized for, were promised, and what we deserve. In particular, it fails to raise revenues to provide for the hundreds and thousands of New Yorkers who are about to lose their health insurance due to the cuts to the essential plan and for those who will lose SNAP benefits due to cuts. And as a nurse, as a mother, and as a representative of thousands of families affected by these cuts, I cannot support this bill. This budget fails to raise the revenue. our communities have been fighting to make sure that everyday life becomes a little bit easier. This year I introduced the Fair Share Act to make sure that New York City is able to raise 2.0% income tax on millionaires. And while it received widespread support, it was not included in this budget. We cannot continue to protect millionaires, billionaires, and corporations for another year, but our communities, our communities are left waiting. In the Assembly One House, we included measures to tax the wealthy. Ten weeks later, though, Governor Kathy Hochul is siding with the ultra-wealthy instead of working New Yorkers. This is the reality behind this bill. We have the tools. We have the proposals. But instead of fighting against austerity and protecting New Yorkers, we are accepting these needless cuts and these cruel cuts. This is unacceptable. And I consider it my duty as a legislature to make sure that we are fighting for real solutions. I know exactly what happens when the state fails to raise the revenue we need. The failure shows up in our hospitals that are closing. The failure shows up at the long lines at the food pantry The failure shows up at the wait list in daycare centers The failure shows up when a family loses health insurance Revenue is not just numbers on a paper. It's not just numbers on a spreadsheet. It is lives. It is decisions. It is my former patients being able to get their medication that they need today. And it's whether, and it's regardless of the families in my district, my district on Classin Avenue, it's on yours too. Your main street and your back streets. And I wonder with a revenue like this, does the governor understand what her cuts will do and who they will hurt? We, the legislature, came into this year's session with real plans to fund social services by generating new recurring meaningful revenue. So many plans to pick from. You could pick any of them. However, we are here stuck with austerity. And next year, we're going to be in the same position again. New Yorkers will be struggling, and we will be working to deliver a balanced and fair budget. The government, the federal government, will be delivering more cuts, and we won't have the infrastructure to raise more revenue. I cannot stand here and accept a revenue bill that refuses to tax the ultra-wething, the 1%, while my people and your people continue to pay the price again and again. I will continue to fight to make sure that we tax the rich. But more importantly, I will make sure that I will be included in the number to make sure that all our communities, no matter the issue, get something good out of this and not just austerity. So today, I will have to vote no.
Thank you, Madam Speaker.
You can take back my time. Thank you.
Mr. Mankdalo.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Would the chair allow me to ask a few questions in regards to veterans par EE?
Mr. Pretlow, will you yield?
Yes.
Mr. Pretlow yields.
Thank you, Mr. Pretlow. Par EE in this bill, it's to do with veterans and veterans' real property tax exemption, correct?
Yes, sir. Do you know how many veterans are in New York State?
I'm not sure of the number, no.
There's about 600,000 veterans, give or take, depending on the year and such things like that.
Do you know how many of our veterans actually are VA compensated?
No, I don't.
About right now, today, around 153,000 veterans are partially or all compensated by the VA.
So my question is, under Section 1, Line 51, you must have a qualifying condition to receive this exemption.
Yes.
Can you explain to us what a qualifying exemption is?
I think the eligibility criteria is a veteran must be 100 disabled or permanently and totally disabled That it Yes.
So what would be a qualifying condition to get to that?
I guess being designated as 100% disabled.
Okay, so let's say I'm a veteran, I get VA services, I'm 30% service connected, I got a bad knee.
Yes.
I ride motorcycle, I have an accident, now I possibly could be 100% disabled.
Would I still qualify for that 100% exemption?
Well, the disability has to be service-connected.
Okay.
Let's say I was a diabetic, I was diagnosed during the service, something happened in service,
I became a diabetic, or I was around a burn pit, had disabilities.
I'm riding my motorcycle and I'm 50% rated and something happens to me, I black out because of my service disability.
Well, this is all a local option and what we're doing is just increasing the availability for localities to raise the exemption or the discount given to fully disabled veterans. Most communities already have in place the availability for all veterans to get some sort of a reduction in their property taxes.
That I agree with Mr. Bratlow, but the question is, who determines that information?
Because I've already heard from several veterans about who is 100% disabled.
The VA would certify as to who was 100% disabled.
That wouldn't be up to the locality or definitely not this legislature.
Okay, so it's totally done by the VA?
Yes.
And if that veteran is 100% disabled, is that the same as...
Then he or she would be eligible for the increase in the exemption that we're allowing the localities to offer to their fully disabled veterans.
And if I'm a veteran at 100% disabled, am I then still allowed to work if I get the exemption?
I'm not sure. I don't know if you're allowed to work if you're fully 100% disabled.
And who would I ask that question to?
I would imagine the VA.
The VA?
Yeah.
Okay.
But just a little while ago, we talked about that would be decided by the locality.
Well, the locality gives you the ability to make...
The locality has the wherewithal to provide the availability of the exemption to the 100% disabled vet.
Your question was in relation to who determines if a vet is 100% disabled.
That is not determined by the locality.
That is determined by the VA.
Okay.
You're correct, and I agree with that.
So going back to the locality, if the locality decides to give the exemption,
school tax, county tax, town tax, village tax, is there any funding tied into this from the state?
No.
So what happens if the town, your town, decides to give this exemption to their veterans?
Well, they can. This is a local option. If my community wanted to do it, they could, they have the wherewithal to do it.
And I'm next door to your community.
My community says, you know something, we can't afford to do that.
We just don't have the financial wherewithal to do that.
You should move to my community.
That was my next question, because that's exactly what will happen.
So what are we going to do to help those communities if that happens?
Like I was saying, it's up to the local community, the city, town, the city council, the county legislature,
whoever the governing body is that determines the taxes in that community.
It's up to them to make the offer.
If they don't feel that they have the capacity to give that tax reduction to their 100% disabled vets, that's on them.
So if another community can do it, then it's the best interest of that vet, if they can, to locate.
But I don't think the exemptions will be equal to the cost of moving.
of it. That question is kind of moot. Right. And if a community decides to opt into this,
is there an opt-out clause? That's up to the community also. That could be put into the language. That could be put into the language. That wouldn't be dictated by the state? Yes. Okay. And I know a lot of us as veterans, we work with our county veterans offices back at home. Is there going to be anything from New York State if this passes, which it probably will, Is there anything that's going to be sent to them to give them a heads up, to educate them on the number, the hundreds of veterans that will come in and say, look, I may have 100% disability before I do. Are we going to help educate them, to educate our veterans, to help them through the process?
Well, having a close relationship with the Director of Veterans for the state, affectionately known as Mama V, she had told me or informed me that most veterans don't know of a lot of the benefits that are available to them, for whatever the reason. And one of the things that she's trying the best to do is to inform all of the veterans throughout New York State of all of the opportunities that are available to them, all of the perks that they're entitled to.
So the director, you're talking about Viviana DeCohen?
DeCohen, yes.
Okay. Last year, I believe in this House, we passed a bill somewhat like this, and it was in that bill it had kind of the same language, but they had talked about adaptive housing and being unemployable. Is that in the new bill by any chance?
No, it isn't.
Is what we passed last year still in effect?
I believe so.
You believe so?
One second. So what we're doing now is increasing eligibility.
Okay. Okay, okay.
What this bill is doing is actually increasing the eligibility, so we're actually enhancing what we did last year. So what we passed last year. So we're simplifying it, yes.
It's simplifying it, but it also says that what we passed last year is still in place.
Yes.
Okay. Chairman, I thank you for the questions or the answers. I appreciate it. Madam Chair, I'm the bill.
On the bill.
I'm sorry, Madam Speaker, I apologize. I'm a veteran. I'm the ranking member on the Veterans Committee from the minority side. We all love our veterans. We want our veterans to succeed in life, especially if they're disabled, especially the ones that come back that are maimed either brain damaged missing limbs missing arms We all want to protect them As I look through this there were a few questions that came up already And we have veterans that have already asked us that question You know what about this What about that And I will absolutely support this part of the budget, 100%. But I want to make sure that we have things defined. So when our veterans come to our local county offices and ask those questions, or if they come to one of us here on the assembly floor as an assembly member, we should be able to give them those answers. So that's why I wanted to ask the questions for a little bit of clarifications and again I'm glad to see this part in the budget and I will definitely support this part of the budget 100%. So thank you Madam Speaker, thank you Chair for your time and thank you.
Thank you. Mr. Johnson.
Thank you very much. Thank you very much, Madam Chair. Would the chairman yield for some questions on Part K?
Mr. Prello, will you yield?
For Part K, absolutely.
Mr. Prello yields.
Oh, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I just want to revisit the tax on alternative nicotine products. and I know my colleague, the ranking member on Ways and Means brought this up. And you know that the differentiation between gum, nicotine gum like Nicorette and the pouches was brought up. Is there any concern about the inconsistency between treating those types of products differently?
That really wasn't considered. The tax department indicated that they were losing revenues on sales of these pouches and suggested a 75% on the wholesale tax, which is what we had done. There were some people that were actually pushing for a unit tax on them. I don't know if you're referring, if you want to go in that direction. But what we have in front of us is a 75% wholesale tax on so-called pouches.
Yeah, so I don't want to get back into the tax rate per se, just on the inconsistency. So was the driver for instituting this tax because of a belief that the nicotine pouches, because of the volume of nicotine in them, was harmful to New Yorkers?
I would imagine so. Okay, so how could that be the case when you look at the nicotine gum can be sold in two different milligram variations, a two milligram and a four milligram, whereas the pouches are sold in a three milligram and a six milligram. So you can get a nicotine gum that is untaxed at a higher nicotine content than a nicotine pouch, which we believe is more harmful to New Yorkers, even though the gum has a higher nicotine volume. So, Mr. Jensen, are you suggesting that we increase the tax on nicotine gum?
I'm just looking for an understanding about why there's an inconsistency in what we're doing and why we treat it. That's not addressed in this bill.
What we have in front of us is a tax on the nicotine pouches. So we're not taking up or have any concern that the nicotine gum is a chew-and-park product where you put the product the gum along your gums to take in the nicotine just like you would a nicotine pouch Okay Well there is a difference there where the nicotine gum is an FDA smoking cessation product where these pouches are not
So if the FDA were to rule tomorrow that a nicotine pouch is an FDA-approved cessation device, is there a provision in this piece of legislation to...
Well, I don't believe we tax medical devices. So what I'm saying is if the FDA approves a pouch, which I believe they have ruled that it can be used for cessation, and I believe in other nations, they have also said they can do it. And we passed legislation recently that we no longer recognize the FDA's medical advice, but we look at other outside health organizations.
is there a provision in this bill that would roll back the tax because it is used for medical purposes?
Yes. I'm informed that if the pouches get FDA approval, then this tax would be rolled back.
Okay.
Because then it would be considered a medical device.
Okay. Thank you. And then is there any concern, I know in surrounding states, that by passing this measure, our neighboring states like Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Vermont, do not have this tax. And that by instituting the tax on these nicotine pouches, it will drive consumers who will be purchasing other products at a location where they would also buy a pouch and other things to purchase the pouches and those other things at one of those three neighboring states.
Well, that's always the case. I mean, you know, Jersey doesn't put a nickel deposit on soda cans, and New York does. I know that we're not going to stop selling soda in New York because Jersey doesn't require a deposit. So I can only deal with what's happening in the confines of the state of New York and not really be concerned with what individuals do to go outside of New York to circumvent whatever laws we have in place in the state.
So we're not concerned about...
We're always concerned, but I can't do legislation with that as a driving force. I have to only look at what's effective and what we need in the state of New York, which is where we all live.
All right. Fair enough, Mr. Chairman. and I appreciate your answers to my questions. Thank you, Madam Chair, or Madam Speaker.
Thank you, Mr. Jensen. Ms. Gallagher.
Madam Speaker, on the bill?
On the bill.
I rise today to share my deep frustration with a revenue bill that fundamentally fails to meet the moment, protect New Yorkers, and ensure that we are a state where working people can thrive. I am a proud democratic socialist because I believe that everyone deserves to live with dignity. I reject the idea that anyone should be one disaster away from losing everything. Year after year, we see corporations and the executives who run them get wealthier, while everyday New Yorkers struggle to survive. We are the most unequal state in the country, and our wealth disparity is growing exponentially. If you or someone in your family gets sick, lives through a natural disaster, is the victim of a crash, your stability is likely ruined. If you not wealthy the safety nets available to protect you are few and far between It doesn have to be this way This year budget reflected a clear and unique moment New York millionaires and billionaires are receiving billion in tax cuts while nearly half a million New Yorkers are losing their health care as a direct result of these cuts. If there was ever a simple and straightforward opportunity to stand with the New Yorkers over oligarchs, this was it. But we are voting on a budget today that does nothing to cover nearly half a million New Yorkers who will lose health care on July 1st. While the P de Terre tax is a good policy and an important first step, it will not scratch the surface of the billions we could raise with modest increases to personal income tax and corporate tax rates. Tax increases that these wealthy people and companies would not even notice because they are receiving such large cuts at the federal level. And indeed, because the budget has taken so very long, we will have less than a week to debate and vote on other issues that New Yorkers care about. So I am forced to vote no on this revenue bill and this budget. But I can promise you we will be back next year and the year after that. We will not stop until we truly tax the rich statewide and make the investments that ensure New Yorkers continue to have a place where working people can thrive and live. Thank you.
Thank you, Ms. Gallagher. Ms. Shrestha.
Hello. Oh, great. Thank you, Madam Speaker. The number of millionaires in the state continue to grow. The amount of corporate profits in the state continue to grow, whereas the households making $75,000 or less make up the biggest group of people who are leaving the state. And they are leaving the state because they can no longer afford to live here and have a decent quality of life. All of this has been made worse by the federal administration's cuts on Medicaid as well as SNAP, which means the most vulnerable people will further find a challenge in continuing to live in this state. But this spending plan from the federal administration also gives tax breaks that disproportionately benefit the wealthy. To be specific, collectively the millionaires in this state will be saving $12 billion every year going forward. And that means the state budget this year had one core function. to address the affordability crisis and act as a counterweight to the assault the federal administration is unleashing on the working families of this state. However, the refusal to raise money from those who have it, from those who are hoarding it, so as to not invest in programs that would stabilize the lives of our constituents has made it so that people increasingly don't have a reason to truly believe in why they should be excited about democracy, why they should participate in this process. People need to believe that the government exists to watch out for their well-being. And the message we are sending, With this revenue bill, specifically the very explicit refusal from the Executive Chamber to not make the wealthy pay their fair share of taxes, is basically saying we are going to allow the working families of New York to be the victims of one of the highest wealth disparities that exists in this country. New York State has so much wealth that it is richer than countries like Denmark and Sweden. But at the same time, we are having people fight over scraps, fight over what program can be funded over another, and still have none of these programs fully funded. For example, we do not want people living on the streets. And yet, we do not want to fund housing access vouchers which would help people have stable homes. And that is an ask of only $250 million, which is a drop in the bucket compared to how much money people who are the richest in this state are keeping to themselves. The purpose of money is to exchange hands, not to sit there collecting dust. The purpose of money is not to increase the wealth of a few people. It is to fund our collective well-being. It is to invest in a social infrastructure that gives everybody the opportunity to have a decent quality of life. That includes stable housing, that includes lower utility bills, that includes access to healthcare, that includes access to high quality education as well as good, well-paying union jobs. So to say that we are not going to invest in New Yorkers simply because we do not want to touch the pockets of the wealthy is an abdication of this government's responsibility. And for that reason, I will be voting no on this revenue bill.
Thank you, Ms. Sreshta. Mr. Slater.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Will the sponsor yield for a few clarifying questions? Will you yield, Mr. Sponsor?
For Mr. Slater, absolutely.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. You're doing good. You're doing good.
Are you going to tell us you're opposed to this budget because it doesn't tax the rich?
Well, that's not really what I wanted to talk about. What I wanted to talk about was your – there's a couple of questions in here about the child and dependent care credit. Yes.
If we can just have some clarification, just a few questions on that. This is restructured within this particular bill and replaces the current federally linked structure with a new standalone state credit beginning in tax year 2026, correct?
Yes. And obviously very happy to see that we're trying to address some of the challenges and financial burdens parents are facing in finding affordable and reliable child care, something our conference has been pushing for. and I know this is one of those bipartisan issues that we've seen commonality with, and we appreciate that.
Has the department estimated how many taxpayers will be impacted by the shift from a federal linked calculation to this new formula? I think we're looking at 230,000 filers.
230,000 filers that it would impact.
Which would be 316,000 children.
Understood. Understood.
And how much will the average benefit for qualifying taxpayers go up for the average family of four And this part allows room and board for caregivers correct I believe so And can you explain to us I just kind of want to make sure I understand exactly when it comes to what we trying to achieve there for the definition of caregivers
Is that for a live-in au pair, or who would benefit from that particular provision in the bill?
The same individuals that are under current law.
Right.
And so can you explain to me who those individuals are? Susie and Charlie.
I don't know who they are. I'm just trying to understand when we talk about giving room and board for caregivers, again, what does that entail?
someone whose position is in place to take care of a young individual.
So there's no minimum of the number of young individuals that they would be in charge of?
I don't believe so.
And would the benefit, again, just to make sure I'm clear, would the benefit go to the caregiver themselves or those who are paying the caregiver?
Actually, it's the individual that's paying the caregiver.
The employer, essentially.
Deployer.
Understood. And the other thing that we saw was there were ancillary costs related to educational expenses that were not allowed when they also enable work. Can you tell me why those costs were not included?
Okay, we didn't make any changes to the eligibility criteria.
And so are educational expenses included?
Yes, as they are under current law.
Understood. How about in regards to some of the regulatory reforms?
I know we talked about this, I believe, in one of the previous bills.
Is there anything in this bill that speaks to any of the regulatory reforms that I think both sides of the aisle have been trying to examine?
No.
Just making sure there's no other questions that I have there. All right. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for answering my questions. I appreciate
it as always. Thank you, sir. Thank you, Madam Speaker. Thank you, Mr. Slater. Ms. Valdez.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Two facts should have motivated, defined this budget. One is the 450... On the bill? Oh, sorry. Pardon me. On the bill. Thank you. Two factors should have defined this budget. One is the 450,000 New Yorkers who are about to lose their health care because Donald Trump and the Republicans in Congress have taken a buzzsaw to our already threadbare social safety net. The second is the $12 billion in tax cuts that the wealthiest New Yorkers are getting this year from that same Republican Congress. New York State had the opportunity and the responsibility to lead The overwhelming majority of New Yorkers are demanding that we tax the rich to invest in the working class of the state to make our lives more affordable and more dignified But Governor Hochul answered to different New Yorkers, that small number of billionaires and CEOs who refuse to pay their fair share and who donate to politicians to keep it that way. So what are we left with? a pied-à-terre tax on second homes worth more than $5 million. It's a start. And against a governor who so beholden to her billionaire donors, she swore she wouldn't allow a penny in new taxes. It is a victory. I want to thank the thousands of New Yorkers who made calls, who canvassed their neighbors, who showed up to rallies in their cities and here in the capital. Your organizing made a difference this year. But in a moment of profound inequality, when the rich have never been richer, when one in four New Yorkers lives in poverty and hundreds of thousands will lose their health care and their food stamps in a matter of weeks, it is simply not good enough. Make no mistake, this is on austerity budget, but we will continue to organize for a just budget that recognizes that it is the working class that make the state run, not the CEOs and billionaires. I vote no.
Thank you, Ms. Valdez.
Mr. Bologna. Thank you, Madam Speaker. Would the chairman please yield first a couple questions? Will the chairman yield?
So staff.
If you'll limit you to two.
A couple more, but I'll be brief.
A few. I'm going to be on part K, if that's all right. So the 75% wholesale tax, and again, some of these have gone over, but I just want to clarify. These are non-combustible products. We're talking about non-traditional cigarettes here, right? Yes.
Okay.
And would you agree that a lot of adults use these products as an alternative to smoking?
I'd imagine so.
So generally speaking, as we move away from combustible cigarettes, I think that would you agree that it's a positive that people are moving away from tobacco to just nicotine, even if it's just a gateway to get off altogether?
Possibly, yes.
So would you agree, well, it's data, this is from the CDC, that lower income folks are at a three times higher rate of smoking and using tobacco products than higher income earners? Let me rephrase that.
I guess I'm telling you, according to the CDC, lower income earners are at a three times higher rate to smoke and use tobacco products than income earners. So would this excise tax then hit lower income earners at a disproportionate rate than people who don't smoke or use tobacco? As I stated earlier, that mostly all of the sin taxes affect poorer people because they utilize these items more than wealthier people.
And that's a percentage of their income. It's a lot higher. So, I mean, in a weird way, we're actually kind of effectively helping balance a budget on the backs of lower income earners. Are we not?
That is not the purpose of what we're doing. The purpose of what we're doing is to maintain the good health of all individuals and to discourage actually the use of tobacco products. Mr. Pettler, that's all I have.
Thank you very much, Madam Speaker.
On the bill, if that's all right?
On the bill, sir.
All right so this bill raises billions in new revenue for New Yorkers that are already struggling with some of the highest tax burden in America Nowhere is that clear than Part K the 75 wholesale tax Now let me be clear, I'm not standing here advocating for nicotine use. But I am questioning the logic of lower risk alternatives that many adults use to get away from combustible cigarettes. As I said earlier, that lower income earners are three times more likely to use these products than higher income earners. And I frankly, I find it rich that we are sitting here listening to some folks lose their ever loving minds over higher income earners. But essentially what we're doing is we're making it more difficult for lower income earners to get off cigarettes, increase their risk of cancer and put them into the health care system. I find that a little bit odd. So who's ultimately paying this bill? Working class New Yorkers, lower income New Yorkers, at risk New Yorkers, blue collar people struggling with addiction and trying to quit smoking. And instead of helping them transition away from cigarettes, Albany sees an opportunity to generate revenue. This is a fundamental problem with this budget. Temporary taxes ultimately become permanent. And kind of getting onto the energy thing here with a rebate check, one-time rebate checks does not fix the underlying problem of energy. I appreciate the fact that someone wanted to pick up the ball and run with it from our conference's plan, but at the end of the day, you only got one piece of it. We still need to systematically reduce the cost of energy across the board, and a one-time rebate check is kind of a slap in the face to everyday New Yorkers without the additional peace. We still have the All Electric Buildings Act, All Electric Vehicles Act, the Cap and Invest 2025 Building Code, the 100-foot rule. We're still systematically getting rid of natural gas, reducing our energy portfolio, and doing nothing to increase the affordability or reliability of our entire energy system. But yet New Yorkers are still supposed to be happy with a $200 rebate check without the long-term benefits of systematic change. It's a change in PR. And really what it is is damage control. And the irony is staggering because our mandates, what we've done in this body, is essentially what has driven up costs to ratepayers across the state. And then we send taxpayers and ratepayers a partial refund and expect to get applause from the very crisis that we helped create. I will die on this hill, but we do not have a revenue problem in New York State. We have a spending problem and a philosophical utility problem. The answer to all this is fiscal discipline. This budget does not do that. We need permanent tax relief, economic growth, and a government that finally learns how to live within its own means. And I will say this on the nicotine tax, Madam Speaker. While some may laugh about this Indiana Jones searching for the lost nicotine pouch in Albany's newest tax adventure, for the working families across this state, nothing is funny about being treated like an ATM machine by their own government.
Thank you, Mr. Bologna. Ms. Metanyas. Oh, pardon me. Mr. Keith Brown.
On the bill, Madam Speaker.
On the bill.
Our state is not going in the right direction. While we sit here and debate, we ignore problems we're creating right here in this chamber. We talk about the policies that are coming out of Washington, D.C. Well, let's look under the hood here. What has New York done since 2019? Where does New York stand in comparison with every other state? We have the second highest total tax burden in the country. We have the highest individual tax burden in the country. We have the fourth highest property tax burden in this country. Our residential electricity rates are 62% higher than the national average. Our commercial electricity rates are 63% higher than the national average. We haven't adequately addressed many social ills. We have a housing crisis. We had over 2,000 New Yorkers overdose last year. We have a veteran suicide crisis and a growing problem of problem gambling, especially amongst teens. We have a teen vaping problem and a teen mental health crisis. Child care is 11.4% higher than the national average. We have the worst business climate in the country. The Tax Foundation ranks us dead last, dead last in tax competitiveness. We're number one, though, in hour migration. We've lost a million of our residents since 2020. One New Yorker leaves this state for somewhere else every two minutes. And what do we do with this bill today? It makes it worse. We do nothing about Medicaid fraud. The Empire Center says we spent $2.1 billion on non-New Yorkers last year. Three million more people are on the rolls and are financially eligible to Medicaid in New York State. And in 2000, when I came into this chamber, we spent $177 billion as a state. This budget is over $268 billion. An estimated 48% increase. That's some austerity budget, I tell you. Inflation is 2.4% this year. And this budget is an operating spending of 6.8%. It's not sustainable. We don't have a revenue problem. We certainly have a spending problem. I'll be voting no. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Brown. Now Ms. Matanjas.
On the bill. Today we're voting for a budget that reflects both the possibilities of what working people can win when they organize and fight and the deep failures of a political system that continues to put wealthy interests ahead of the needs of everyday New Yorkers. Year after year, members of this body are expected to vote on a massive budget bill negotiated behind closed doors with little transparency and little meeting participation from the communities we represent. The people of the state deserve a democratic process for working-class New Yorkers, immigrants, tenants, families, and environmental justice communities have a real seat at the table, not a process dominated by executive power and last-minute negotiations driven by political calculation Because while New Yorkers are struggling to pay rent afford groceries keep childcare and stay in their homes this budget process continues to treat transformative change as something to fear instead of something to fight for. Communities like Sunset Park and Red Hook that I represent know exactly what the environmental injustice looks like. We live with higher asthma rates. We live alongside polluting infrastructure, truck traffic, flooding risks, pika plants, and industrial contamination. Working class black and brown immigrant communities are always the first forced to suffer the consequences when politicians decide to water down climate protections. The consequences will not be abstract. They will impact public health, air quality, flooding, vulnerability, and our ability to transform away from fossil fuels and the urgency the crisis demands. We had an opportunity to tax the rich, an investment that could have represented critical steps toward building publicly owned renewable energy infrastructure that is democratically controlled and centered around public good instead of corporate profit. It creates the opportunity for New York to lead the country in building a renewable energy future that moves away from fossil fuels pollution and racism. We should not have to fight this hard to protect the bare minimum while we have a governor who simultaneously is weak in legislation that's taken this body years to pass. We saw the same dynamic throughout our fight for immigration justice.
Our communities fought for New York for all. Real protections that would finally establish clear separation between local governments and federal immigration enforcement and ensure immigrant New Yorkers could live with dignity and safety and continue to contribute into the economy. And then the governor stood in the way. We were forced to settle for weaker measures and partial protections after enormous resistance and reluctance. Even so, immigrant advocates, organizers, and legislative allies fought hard to secure meaningful wins in this budget. These victories matter, but they don't go far enough. At a moment when immigrant families across this country are living in fear and under increased attack, New York should be leading with courage and clarity, not compromise and hesitation. Immigrant communities should never be treated as bargaining chips during budget negotiations. Our fight does not end here. We will continue organizing, legislating, and pushing to strengthen these protections until New York fully lives up to its promise as a safe home for all immigrants. New Yorkers are facing one of the worst affordability crises in generations. Families are being crushed by rising rents, health care costs, utility bills, food prices, while billionaires and major corporations continue to receive enormous tax breaks and protections. We fought to make the ultra-wealthy finally pay their fair share. We fought for real progressive revenue solutions that could fully fund housing, health care, public transit, climate investments, child care, and public education. And once again, we faced constant pushback. Instead of fully taxing the rich, this administration chose to protect wealthy interests and corporate power while asking working-class New Yorkers to continue carrying the burden of a broken economy. Now, there are important wins in this budget that deserve recognition, but even those victories exist alongside austerity, compromise, and missed opportunities that continue to leave too many New Yorkers behind. I recognize the hard four victories won by movements, advocates, organizers, and legislative allies. Our communities deserve better than incrementalism during a moment of crisis Working people are looking for leaders willing to improve their lives They looking for leadership willing to confront corporate greed invest boldly in public goods, protect immigrants without compromise, and treat climate change like the emergency that it is. And too often this governor stood in the way of that vision. Despite those barriers, our movement continues to grow stronger. Working-class New Yorkers continue to organize, and we will continue fighting for a future where housing is guaranteed, health care is universal, energy is public, immigrants are protected, and our economy serves the people who make this state run, not the wealthy elite who profit from inequality. This budget did not go far enough, but our fight does not end here. I will continue building a New York that belongs to all of us. I vote no on this budget.
Thank you, Ms. Walsh. Thank you, Madam Speaker. On the bill.
On the bill. So I've listened, as usual, with interest to, you know, there are 150 of us here sometimes. Well, it seems like there are a lot of us here right now, which is kind of good. We're all listening to each other, I hope. And, you know, we have a wide difference of opinion on this bill and on this whole topic of revenue. So I want to just use my time to talk a little bit about what's on my mind with this bill. This enacted revenue budget increases state taxes by $2.5 billion over two years. It includes an enhancement of the child and dependent care credit, energy rebate checks, taxes on alternative nicotine products, as well as a new surcharge on high-value second homes in New York City, an extension of business tax rates, and decoupling from various H.R. 1 provisions. So by, you know, some budget bills are very thick with many, many, many subparts. This has 36 parts. So, you know, we're not going to like it all. If you like all of it, you probably should have your head examined. If you hate it all, you probably don't have a heart. So there are definitely parts of the bill that I think are decent. And I'm a glasses-half-full kind of gal, so I'm going to tell you what I like about it so far. I like the tipped wage income exemption. I think that's good. The rebate checks are good as far as they go. I just think that, you know, again, they're a little gimmicky. They're not really – when you go to the grocery store or you fill up your gas tank and you think about what these rebate checks are really going to mean to you, it's not going to be that much. It's really not going to be that much. I'm grateful. Let's put it in a positive spin. I'm grateful that the New York City Pieditere tax did not get imported to upstate. I'm very grateful that that didn't get into the final enacted budget. I don't think we want it up here, but we'll see how it works in the city. You know, I think when I came here 10 years ago, the enacted budget was $153 billion. dollars. Last year it was $254 billion and this year it will be $268 billion, an increase year over year of $14 billion. And I listened with great amusement to that being described as an austerity budget. I don't see in what realm of reality that is an austerity budget when you're increasing it by $14 billion. I just think what I'm coming away with, what I been feeling for some time now is that no matter how much money this legislature has to spend it will always want more It will never be enough It will never be enough And you know that has an impact. The governor promised no new taxes, but then over time that became no new broad-based income or statewide business tax increases. So it changed a little bit, messaging, right? That's Albany speak for. There are, you know, there is going to be state tax increases, but we're going to look at over two years. It's going to be two and a half billion dollars. New York City businesses have the highest combined corporate tax rate in the country, while statewide business taxes are generally among the highest nationwide. And I won't re-quote all the great statistics that were offered by a previous speaker, but suffice it to say that I believe that we are already taxed considerably here. For those of my colleagues who are very disappointed that we're not taxing the rich, I would say we do tax the rich. We tax the middle class and we tax the poor and we already do that. And, you know, I think overall I'm just disappointed again that we're, it seems as though there are some in the chamber who are taking a victory lap and kind of saying, we didn't make it any worse, you know, we didn't make it any worse. But really, in fact, it was already pretty bad. And I would say that over the 10 years that I've been in office, an increase of well over $100 billion is a lot of money. And it is what it is. Let me say one more good thing, though, before I close. I was very happy to see, in Part J.J., which is all the way at the end of this budget bill, and what this part does, which is very helpful for my district, And I did want to point it out because, like I said, I believe in calling out the good stuff when it's there. Let me get it in front of me. I have a village in my district, Boston Spa. It's actually where my district office is, too. And they have a very old brownfield site. And we've been wanting to see that get redeveloped for like a long time. And there were some brownfield tax credits that were issued several years ago, but then the pandemic happened and a lot of other things happened and proposals, you know, developers kind of came in with ideas and then those developers went away. And to make a very long story short, those brownfield credits were ready to expire. And that would have really detrimentally impacted the owner of the property and any potential development ideas for the property. It makes it much more attractive to redevelop that property with the brownfield tax credits. So with this part, JJ, and it's not just for Boston Spa, but it's for other areas too, those Brownfield tax credits are going to get extended for a few more years to allow for the appropriate development process to move forward. And hopefully we're going to get a good project in there that's really going to help that village out quite a bit. So I'm very grateful to see that. So to answer colleagues who thought that we should have taxed more, we should have taken more from those who could in their view, very well afford it. I would just say I think that this bill does plenty enough damage, and I can't support it, although there are certain aspects to it, as there would be with 36 parts to it. There are certainly some parts that I'm happy to see. So I'll be voting in the negative,
Madam Speaker, and I thank my colleagues and you for the time. Thank you, Mr. Tate.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. And on the bill, please. On the bill. I saved you a little time, Mr. Chairman. I didn't ask you any questions this year. There's no white smoke, so we're good. I'm going to be very brief, Madam Chair. This is just ridiculous. Here we are all this time late on a budget, spending $100 billion more than what we did back when I first got to this chamber. And I hear people whining and crying and blaming the governor, blaming the federal government. No, the blame is in here. The blame is on the second floor. There is no one paying attention to what the heck is going on. How can we spend $100 billion more in 10 years when we have less businesses, less people living in this state? What are we doing? And then we attack people that have been successful? Let me tell you what, a lot of those people that you're talking about that are millionaires and billionaires now, A lot of them grew up poor, started with absolutely nothing, absolutely nothing, and they made their way the American way. New York should and never ought to be a socialist state, nor America. I can't believe that we have people in this room that think it's okay to just give away the store and let everybody else pay for it. That is not how this country came to be. Sure in the heck not the way I want to live. So, I mean, I hear all this. Some people are voting for it. Everything I've seen so far is absolute junk. As a matter of fact, I ought to tear it up and just throw it in the garbage can. This is not responsible. This is afraid of saying no to people. And when you're in business and you're running, and when you're here and you're running government, sometimes you have to say no. We can't afford it. The people we represent can't afford it. As long as we have our priorities, our emergency services, our law enforcement, and we keep the wheels of government going, that's priority. I just, I don't get it. I don't get it. I guess I live in an area of the state where people work hard every day and expect to get something back for the fruits of their labor. But what we're doing to people, and you know what? You want to talk about being rich or whatever? You have to have a million dollars to be able to live in this state. Because over the last 10 years, we've made it so unaffordable for every single person to live here that if you don have a million dollars if you don make a million dollars you can live comfortably here And it all because of the things that happen in this chamber that chamber down there and the second floor People are out of touch with the real world. They're out of touch how hard people work and how hard people struggle to pay the bills. That's where I came from, blue collar. I started with nothing. Didn't have rich parents, didn't have parents give everything to me. I got up at 3.30 every morning, and I worked my tail off, and I paid my fair share of taxes in the last 50-plus years. You want to really do something for the people that you represent? Start thinking about them. Not giving away the story, but start thinking about programs and things that can really help them get going while cutting the budget and lowering people's taxes. Why don't we think about that one time? I could never support anything like this. This is just absolutely ridiculous. Almost $300 billion with a B. Where the heck is it coming from? And the nonsense about Washington, D.C. and the federal government, that's been happening since Obama was in office. So I don't want to hear that. And the same thing with the health insurance. There's been a problem with health insurance for the last 30 years. Nobody's fixed it. I don't care what side of the aisle you're on. So ridiculous. Put your money where your mouth is, get a set, get some guts, and do what we're supposed to do here. Make the people in the state of New York's lives better by doing the right thing and never mind the politics. I vote no.
Thank you, Mr. Tay. Let's make sure we use appropriate language. I'm not really... Well, getting something is not appropriate. Ms. Giglio.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. On the bill. On the bill. New York doesn't have a revenue problem. It has a spending problem. Spending is out of control. As my colleague stated earlier, the budget went from $175 billion to today's $268 billion in less than 10 years. Taxing, taxing, and taxing is not sustainable. Corporate greed, tax the rich, and now we're extending taxes on small businesses for three more years. And that's the flow. When you run out of the money at the top, it starts trickling down to the bottom, to the businesses and to the middle class. Money flows into New York City from our state budget. While the state legislature or the city legislature, the financial plan from 2026 to 2029 shows a 16% salary increase for the elected officials in New York City with 13% fringe benefits and a mere 3% increase for the 80,000 workers that make the city work. What will we do to stop the exodus? New York's share of millionaires is falling compared to other large states. Wall Street to y'all street is real. More than 100 companies are duly listed in New York and Texas, and they're planning their exodus. JPMorgan Chase employs more in Texas now than New York. Goldman Sachs is building an 800,000 square foot building in Dallas for 5,000 employees. Wells Fargo opened a new campus in Las Colinas bringing 4 workers there from New York Charles Schwab moved corporate headquarters to Westlake Texas with 7 employees Bank of America 5 employees to Texas Scotiabank, regional office in Dallas, 1,000 workers there. What will we do to create a better business environment in New York so that we stop leaving and losing these large companies that are paying these taxes that we're all talking about here today. The structural deficit and unsustainable revenue source will affect our bond rating in the future. The well will dry out. This spending is out of control, and the Wall Street to Y'all Street is real. They're leaving, and it will fall on the middle class. The spending has to stop. And for that reason, I'll be voting in the negative.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Thank you. Mr. Otis.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. And thank you all. You know, I think something... On the bill. On the bill, sir. I think something that's been left out of the discussion is where the money is going. The money in this budget is going not to state government, but mostly back into the pockets of our communities and our institutions. Health care. Hospitals and nursing homes needed help. They're getting some relief in this budget, especially upstate hospitals, very much at risk because of what's going on in Washington. We're doing the best we can to help. It may not be enough for some institutions. Money is going back into what we're doing with foundation aid and school aid, back to the taxpayers. We increased in this budget the minimum a school district could get in aid from 1% to 2% for those that are on Save Harmless, an increase that school districts asked for repeatedly, we did it. Increases in childcare, increases in school breakfast and lunch funding, assistance to utility rate payers, not just with the rebate program, as has been mentioned somewhat disparagingly, but it's a billion dollars, but also in changing, more importantly, the rules by which rate increases are approved by the Public Service Commission. Commission hopefully will see better results on those applications. Increases in AIM and other kinds of transportation assistance to local governments back into the pockets that will help offer property tax increases. One billion dollars for our sustainable futures fund which will help us do some of the energy efficiency kinds of programs that we need to do. One billion dollars is not enough but it's what we looks like in this budget we can afford. We added 25 million, so total $525 million for clean water programs, which has provided to local governments in this state, these programs, over $3 billion of assistance since those programs were created. And we have a new $175 million for clean water related to housing. We will see how that program works out, but that is a potential money out the door that helps at the local level. And And with it, it's just too easy to say too much spending without reflecting on the fact that very little of it, most of our state agencies are at zero increases for their budgets. It's out the door to help people, help affordability in this state. So I vote aye on this budget. As with any budget, we're not all happy with every element, and that comes with the territory. But we doing real things to lower costs for the people that we serve That something we should all be proud of I be voting aye Thank you Thank you Mr Smollin
Thank you, Madam Speaker. On the bill? On the bill.
So here we are with another budget and more new taxes for New York. The new state taxes this year benefit New York City to the tune of a half a billion dollars. yet New York continues to have the number two overall tax burden in our nation. We have the most state and local taxes in the whole country at $12,500 per person in New York State. But meanwhile, the Tax Foundation ranks New York number 50 dead last in the whole United States. The budget itself is up 5.6%, but inflation last year was only 2.6%. What gives? Why are we spending more than we need to? This spending is at historical levels. It's up from $170 billion in 2019 to almost $270 billion here in 2026. And this spending, we spend more than any other big state in the country. California spends $349 billion, but they have 40 million people. That's outrageous. That's because Texas spends only $169 billion, and they have 31 billion people. And sunny Florida spends $114 billion with 23 million people. So is it any wonder that a million people have left upstate New York in the last years? Is it any wonder that people realize that New York is on the wrong track and they are voting with their feet? We need to stop this insanity. I vote no on this bill.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Thank you, Mr. Chang.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. This budget has both positive and negative. On the bill? On the bill, sorry. On the bill. This budget has both positive and negative, and there is, as the previous, as Mr. Smolin says, that we lost nearly a million people for the past five or six years, and our budget has ballooned. So why are we increasing the budget? Why are we losing people? And we're paying more per person than not. Now, if we have to find a way to just find a fraud, waste and abuse in the system, we don't even need to increase the taxes. We could even cut the taxes and bring back the business itself. This bill doesn't address that, especially for a useless wasteful homeless program that doesn't help. Education, we lost in New York City not even a million kids enrolled. Not too long ago, it was over a million, but it's less than a million now. And the cost per student is in New York City, nearly $42,000. And education level, we're in the middle of the pack. Not in the top of the pack, but in the middle. So this budget, as my previous colleague is, is not a tax problem or revenue problem, but it's a spending. It's the priorities that we spend on this that is wasteful, that is not accounted to all those non-governmental programs that need to be ordered, need to be – need to account for, are they successful or not? We're just pumping useless money. And I am debating on this bill, should I vote yes or no, because there's a lot of positive in this bill. There's some tax releases in there. There is some expanding – decreasing on government regulations. So there is a lot of greatness and goodness on this bill. So that's all I have, and that's my thought on this bill.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Thank you, Ms. Moreno.
Madam Speaker, on the bill. On the bill. As one of the newest members of this body, I was elected less than four months ago as a proud Democratic Socialist, ready to fight for my constituents at a pivotal moment for New York and our country. I've had countless conversations with my neighbors who are worried about not being able to afford the rent or childcare while watching Trump gut government agencies slash social programs and threaten the very fabric of our democracy to line his own pockets and the pockets of his billionaire oligarch friends.
Madam Speaker, point of order, please.
I went for office precisely because I saw that our state government has-
Madam Speaker, point of order.
Point of order. Ms. Marano, please stop talking for one moment, please. What is your point?
My point is that the comments of the Speaker deviate from not only our decorum, but are also not related to the bill.
Okay, your point on decorum not sustained. Relative to speaking on the bill, it is sustained. We will speak on the bill in front of us today, please.
Sounds great.
Ms. Moreno.
I ran for office precisely because I saw that our state government has a unique opportunity opportunity and a responsibility to protect New Yorkers from the class warfare and attacks on our democracy from the federal government. Unfortunately, I have been deeply frustrated and frankly shocked by the undemocratic process by which this budget has been negotiated. Witnessing a budget process that feels completely divorced from the lived reality of my constituents has been disappointing. We have watched our executive co-opt the language of affordability in our budget process to insert her own policy priorities of auto insurance industry giveaways and climate law rollbacks while ignoring the vast majority of New Yorkers who wanted to increase taxes on the ultra-wealthy. But we know that a real affordability agenda means taxing the rich to fund the essential programs that working people need to live. Our governor refused, despite the fact that a majority of New Yorkers supported these measures. It was through our movement and the advocacy of thousands of everyday New Yorkers that we did win a pied-à-terre tax for New York City. This is an initial and important step towards taxing the ultra-wealthy. But the reality is that we have failed to protect New Yorkers from the federal government's egregious budget cuts. In July, 450 New Yorkers will lose their health insurance. An additional 300,000 households will see cuts to SNAP food assistance, and tens of thousands more will lose the housing access vouchers they depend on to keep a roof over their head. New York State had a chance to reverse these devastating cuts by having the wealthiest corporations and individuals pay their fair share. While the legislature was ready to take action this session, Governor Hochul refused. This was not a negotiation. This was a complete capitulation to billionaires and corporations by Governor Hochul at a time they already receiving billion in tax breaks from the Trump administration This budget does not address the urgent need of New York working families which is why I will be voting no But I refuse to give up. We refuse to give up. I know that many of my colleagues are ready to fight to raise the essential revenue that we will need to protect vulnerable communities, take on the billionaire class, and deliver an affordable future. And I encourage working New Yorkers to join us. It will take all of us. Thank you.
Thank you. Mr. Tenusas.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. On the bill? On the bill. You know, since I joined the Assembly five years ago, the budget has increased dramatically, almost 40% more than when I started here in 2021. And this budget does nothing more than increase taxes and increase fees and does not do much of anything in incentivizing families to stay here and businesses to stay here As we continue we hear more and more people are fleeing the state They are going to safer, more affordable places to live. And as I sit here in this chamber and I hear some of my colleagues say that this budget didn't go far enough because it didn't tax enough and try to villainize people because they are successful. I am proud to represent a district of immigrants. My parents are immigrants, came here for that American dream. We are the land of opportunity. We are not here to villainize success. What we needed this year were tax cuts to put more money in people's pockets, not tax increases that will continue to make living in New York State unmanageable. I vote no.
Thank you, Mr. Morinello.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. I've stated this yesterday, I'm going to state it again today. On the bill, sir? Yes, it's on the bill. I am sorry. As an attorney and a retired judge, we work on definitions. There's two terms that have been utilized, both in the budget debates and on the bills. One is immigrant. Two is, what is the fair share? I only ask that at some point those definitions be put in and be stated. We have different categories of immigrants, and I'd like to know which ones they're referring to. Number two, I'd like to know what a fair share is. Thank you very much.
Thank you. Thank you. Thank you Thank you. Mr. Norber.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. On the bill. On the bill. I know that we said this a few times today about comparing New York to Florida, but I think we should reiterate it a little bit more. There are 3 million people living in Florida today than there are in New York State. And it's not that we have a little bit of a difference in terms of the budget. Their budget is $113 billion. Ours is now $270 billion. They don't have different type of people. They have the same type of working class, the same type of middle class, the same type of rich people, and the same type of people that need to be taken care of. It's not a magic recipe that we have to look into. This is actually happening in our country. They are able to maintain a budget probably about 40% lower than ours, and at the same time, probably cutting property taxes. So if we really cared about our working class, I'm not talking about the rich right now, even though they're paying, our top 1% is paying 40% of our tax revenue. But if we really cared about our working class, our middle class, our business owners, our small business owners, we could take that $160 billion discrepancy and give it back to them. If we really wanted to. If we cared about the affordability. So I think we should really look at ourselves and not be willfully blind to the solutions that we have here in our country. So I'll be voting on the negative. Thank you very much. Thank you. Ms. Lunsford? Thank you, Madam Speaker. You know, while we wait for our friends in the Senate, I just want to rise to add some of my comments to what I've heard today. I've just got a little bugaboo about state comparisons, since maybe I'm a little raw from this budget. But I think it's worth noting that New York actually has more people than it's ever had. We're growing slower than we used to, but our total population is still bigger by every measure. The total percentage loss of our population is a fraction of a percent. Just want to correct some of the record there. Also, when you're comparing New York to other states, it's hard to compare New York, where it snows, to states that have concrete roads that are simply easier to maintain. States that don't provide as much health care as we do, to states that have substantially fewer modes of public transportation, things like that. I'd just like to point out that New York is an expensive state because we have awesome stuff that people like. If you look at where our population growth has come from, it's come from natural growth, not migration, because people move here, stay here, and multiply. People want to raise their kids here. People like to live here. My community is bigger than it's ever been. I'm voting for this budget. There's things I don't like. There's things that I do. But I know that we can support New Yorkers here by giving them everything that they need, and some of that is through revenue raising. With that, I vote in the affirmative, and thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you. Ms. Kellis. Thank you. On the bill? On the bill. Thank you, Madam Speaker. This budget is about values. Who bears the burden and who we ask to contribute more in a moment of extraordinary crisis. Just because working class New Yorkers make less, does that mean they should pay more, relatively? Because that is our current reality. At a time when working families across New York are struggling under the cost of housing, childcare, groceries, healthcare, transportation, and rising utility bills, we did not go far enough in asking the wealthiest New Yorkers and the most profitable corporations to pay their fair share. Meanwhile, we are told there is not enough money to fully protect health care coverage for hundreds of thousands of New Yorkers. Not enough money to stabilize hospitals nursing homes hospice providers EMS systems and rural health care infrastructure already at risk of closure Not enough money to truly fund universal child care with living wages for child care workers Not enough money to adequately support our public schools, our teachers, or fully address the inequalities of the tier six pension system. We have the largest number of billionaires of any state in the country, yet half of renter households are paying more than 30% of their income just to keep a roof over their heads. And we did not adequately fund the housing supports needed to keep people housed in the first place, including programs like HABP that help low-income New Yorkers facing eviction, homelessness, domestic violence, or unsafe housing conditions stay housed and avoid falling deeper into crisis. We also failed to meet the scale of the climate crisis at a moment when communities across New York are already experiencing flooding, extreme heat, infrastructure damage, rising utility costs, crop losses for farmers, and worsening public health impacts. But somehow there is always enough money for tax breaks at the top. According to the Fiscal Policy Institute, New York millionaires received roughly $12 billion annually in federal tax savings from Trump's tax policies. And yet the modest proposals many of us carried to increase taxes on ultra-wealthy individuals and highly profitable corporations would not even have clawed back the full windfall They already received. Across the state, hospitals are warning about service reductions. EMS systems are operating on the brink. Child care centers are losing workers. And working families are leaving New York because they simply cannot make the math work anymore. This is the affordability crisis. And working people did not create it. The nurse working double shifts did not create it. The child care worker making poverty wages did not create it. The teacher buying supplies out of pocket did not create it. Yet they are the ones repeatedly asked to absorb the consequences while billionaires and multinational corporations continue accumulating extraordinary wealth, with many of these large corporations not paying any taxes at all. And when New Yorkers are asked, the majority of people across the political spectrum support higher taxes on the wealthy and profitable corporations to fund public services and affordability measures across the political spectrum. We must come back to fight for health care, child care, housing, schools, climate action and public services. We must come back and insist that in one of the wealthiest states in the wealthiest nations, working people should not be the ones carrying the burden while the wealthiest continue receiving billions in tax breaks. This process is not about simply spending less while somehow getting more. that is not reality. It is about who and where the money is coming from and on whom and where it is being spent. This year we did not go far enough. While I support the good in this bill and vote yes, I will join the majority of New Yorkers moving forward who demand that we do better. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Sampolinski. Thank you, Madam Speaker. On the bill. On the bill. So I'm glad that the assistant majority leader brought up state-to-state comparisons, because that's where I wanted to go. And she said correctly that New York State is bigger than it has been. However, since 2020, the population of the state of New York has grown approximately 1 million people. I'm sorry, since the year 2000, the population of the state of New York has grown approximately 1 million people. That over 26 years over that same period of time the population of the state of Florida has grown approximately 7 million people The population of the state of Texas has grown approximately 11 million people. So while it's technically true we are bigger than we used to be, we are growing at a dramatically reduced rate to our peer group states. Over that same period of time, the net migration over the last 26 years out of the state of New York has been over four million people from state to state. The net migration into the state of Florida has been over approximately four and a half million people, I'm sorry, three and a half million people, and the net migration into the state of Texas has been approximately three million people. So, clearly, the weather isn't that much different now than it was in 2000. What we make the roads in different states hasn't changed that much over the last 26 years. What has increased dramatically over that time is our spending. We spend approximately what those two states spend together and they are cleaning our clock. So the governor can talk all that she wants about affordability and some of my colleagues can talk about austerity. When we spend that much more compared to peer group states, and we tax that much more in this bill compared to peer group states, that's not an austerity budget. And you don't increase affordability in the state of New York by ripping funds out of everybody across the income spectrum and then saying somehow we're going to give it back to you. Just leave it in people's pockets, cut spending, cut taxes, and we would do a lot better compared to other states. Thank you very much. Ms. Gonzalez-Rohas. Thank you, Madam Speaker. On the bill? On the bill. Today we're being asked to make choices about what kind of New York we want to be and whose side we're on in this moment of deep economic uncertainty and growing inequality. First, I want to commend the Speaker and my colleagues in this chamber for advancing an Assembly One House budget resolution that recognized the urgency of this moment and included the proposals to tax the wealthiest New Yorkers so that we can make meaningful investments in our communities. That vision acknowledged what many New Yorkers already know. We cannot continue balancing our priorities on the backs of working families while extreme wealth continues to grow unchecked. And while New York City peer-to-teer tax included in this budget was a step in the right direction, it was only that a first step. We must not stop until we truly tax the rich statewide and make transformative investments in housing, health care, education, and affordability. At a moment when the federal government, under the occupant in the White House, escalating attacks on our health care system, New York had an opportunity to lead. Instead, we did not go far enough. An estimated 400, nearly half a million people, could lose health care coverage on July 1st. And this budget does not do nearly enough to protect them. We should be expanding access to care, strengthening our safety net, and ensuring no New Yorker loses health care because of decisions made in Washington. Governor Hochul must take action to ensure these New Yorkers are not left behind We have the means to do it by taxing the ultra and asking those who have benefited most from New York economy to contribute their fair share we can protect health care and invest in the people and communities that make this state strong. This budget was a step in the right direction to help address New York City's fiscal challenges, but it could have gone further to protect health care and fully invest in an affordability agenda that meets the scale of this moment. New Yorkers deserve bold action. They deserve a state willing to fight for affordability, for dignity, and as healthcare as a human right. And we are going to keep fighting to tax the rich and win a truly affordable New York. And for these reasons, I respectfully vote no on this bill. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. On a motion by Mr. Pretla. The Senate bill is before the House. The Senate bill is advanced. Read the last section. This act shall take effect immediately. Party vote's been requested. Mr. Gandolfo. Thank you, Madam Speaker. The Republican conference will generally be opposed to this budget bill. However, any member who wishes to vote in the affirmative may do so at their desk. Thank you, Ms. Lunsford. Thank you, Madam Speaker. The majority conference will generally be in the affirmative. If anybody would like to vote no, they may do so at their desks. Thank you. The clerk will record the vote. Mr. Pirazola to explain his vote. Thank you, Madam Speaker. So as I said before, and the members have mentioned, we're talking about $260 billion. That's $100 billion more than 10 years ago. The governor likes to say we're open for business, and I have to agree. We're open in the business of keeping your children undereducated. We're in the business of keeping people homeless. We're in the business of keeping people unaccountable for their crimes and their actions. We're in everything that's a bad business, Madam Speaker. I'm not trying to say that there's nothing good out of this budget, because there has to be. Everything can't be all bad. But to pretend that this is all good and we have the socialist members here standing up and they're very gleeful at how we're going after people's money and their fair share and no one has any idea, it's all happy and fun, and we're going to get the rest of your money too in the future. People really need to wake up in New York State, and they have to understand that, as I said before, you can't blame President Trump for everything, And if you want change, you're the only thing that can make a change, is you have to change the way you vote. Thank you. I'm voting no. Mr. Perrozolo in the negative. Mr. Levine to explain his vote. If we've seen anything today, we've seen that politics can make strange allies. The rugged individualists who have prospered by pulling themselves up by their own bootstraps are voting no. At the same time, the utopian socialists are voting no. I simply represent communities that are middle class and struggling at a time when consumer confidence in our nation is at an all-time low. I am proud that New York, with all its described faults, is a place that I love. I want to live nowhere else, and that we remain the land of upward mobility. So I want to simply say that we have provided as best we can for education and health care, and that's important to my communities, and I am happy to remain at the Pragmatic Center at a time when the Pragmatic Center realizes all too well that our nation faces daunting and unparalleled and unprecedented challenges. The center must hold. I'm pleased to vote in the affirmative. Mr. Levine, in the affirmative. And before anybody else clicks and puts their light on, when you speak on the bill and or explain your vote, you should be speaking for yourself, not referencing other members, not referencing what other members are voting what they doing This is your explanation of the vote This is your speaking on the bill We not talking about national politics and we are not speaking about how each other are voting. We will be shutting that down. So speak on your own behalf, please. Ms. Tapia to explain her vote. Thank you, Madam Speaker. I support this budget bill because it advances some strong progressive priorities at a time when New Yorkers are still struggling with affordability, housing costs, child care costs, and economic uncertainty. This bill continues our effort to expand the child and dependent care credit, provides our one-time power credit to help households with utility costs, supports food insecurity, do farm-to-farm pantry and students' meal provisions, and expand protections for seniors and people with disabilities to screed and drive. I also want to highlight the amazing achievement we have made together by pushing for a second home surcharge for high-value non-primary residents in New York City. At a time when ordinary renters and homeowners are being squeezed, it is fair to ask the owners of luxury second homes worth more than $5 million to contribute more. That is common sense and it belongs in this budget. The Governor has said this could raise at least $500 million annually. the controller has raised questions about whether the final number may be lower, which is exactly why implementation and transparency will matter. There are more revenue raisers we must continue to explore. Thankfully, we are continuing to preserve revenue by extending the higher corporate tax rate on larger corporations with more than five million in income because there is not reason why we should be giving large corporations a quiet tax cut. Thank you, Ms. Tapia. How do you vote? How do you vote? I vote in the affirmative. Ms. Tapia in the affirmative. Mr. Chang to explain his vote. Thank you, Madam Speaker. As each bill presented to each of our colleagues, never is perfect. No bills are perfect that satisfy us all. Even for me, I look at a balance what's good and what's bad and I always think about what's my constituents was best benefit for this bill and there are many in this bill and there many are not the one I want to highlight this why this bill is good is for the Medicaid to to pay for our medical for health professions make sure that our hospitals and doctors office or stay afloat that's very important and a few other tax deductions and childcare credits involved, so I looked at it as a positive. So overall I look at this bill, I will support this bill as a positive. Thank you Madam Speaker. Thank you Mr. Chang. In the affirmative, Mr. McDonald to explain his vote Thank you Madam Speaker Sorry about that I just want to say that I am supporting this legislation There are a lot of great attributes to this And yes always there some things we may not care for A lot of them actually don't apply to the areas I represent. But what I want to speak about specifically is our support for upstate cities, both small and large. They are struggling. They're struggling for a variety of different reasons. Although they're forewarned about the ARPA funding going away, sometimes it's difficult to slide away from some of those programs because they're not only well-intentioned, but they're effective. Same token, what we're doing is recognizing that these legacy cities is what built this state, and we need to continue to provide them the support. They're under a lot of pressure because the market for employees has gotten much more challenging, which is causing upward pressure. Health care premiums at the local government level continue to rise. So I know it's, you know, cliche to say this, but we need to continue to work on helping to support our upstate cities. We need to find out what we can do to continue to make them sustainable. I want to thank the Speaker for his leadership in making sure that we're delivering for these cities, particularly in upstate New York. And by the way, that funds helps minimize future tax increases. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. McDonald, the affirmative. Ms. Glick, to explain her vote. Thank you, Ms. Speaker, to explain my vote. As we've discussed how New York continues to fund essential services like schools, higher education, nursing homes, hospitals, and to provide some relief to utility rate payers, it's not really out of line to talk about how the cuts from the federal government have added pressure to our state and that our state, to some extent, has been targeted, as some others have, on a political partisan basis. while we see those people who have been aligned with the federal administration doing quite well. Now, I don't seek to villainize successful people. I think that's great. But facts demonstrate that extremely wealthy people have continued to benefit from extraordinary tax cuts that force middle-class Americans and New Yorkers to shoulder the burden. So I actually think, almost in a religious way, that greed should be villainized. Now, a famous New Yorker said, the test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much, it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little. And the former governor, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, had it right and was a president who sought to balance the needs of people who were hardworking people, middle class people, and was called a traitor to his class because of it. So I will be voting for this even though I think we need to do more. And I vote in the affirmative. Thank you, Ms. Glick, in the affirmative. Ms. Levenberg to explain her vote. Thank you, Madam Speaker, to explain my vote. We finally voted on the state's revenue bill today almost two full months after the deadline And once again there was some good though it does not go far enough in my opinion We did get the utility rebates included which will return a bit of the money we have all been spending on energy. We've extended and continued some necessary tax credits, including the phasing in of increases to our child tax credit. We also made some changes that will make it easier for residents to apply for and receive enhanced STAR rebates, which I know is very important to my constituents. But we could have and should have done much more to raise taxes on the ultra-wealthy New Yorkers who are, as we have heard multiple times, collectively receiving a $12 billion windfall from the federal government. That windfall is being paid for by SNAP cuts, health care cuts, and other new holes in our social safety net. New Yorkers deserve better than this. We could have gone so much further to make this state more affordable, child care, health care, and so much more. It's unfortunate because both Assembly and Senate majorities agreed on sensible, modest increases to the personal income tax for people earning over $5 million annually and the corporate tax rate for highly profitable companies doing business in New York, regardless of where they are headquartered. I'm voting yes because there is good in this bill that must go forward. I'm going to keep fighting alongside my colleagues to ensure that the wealthy finally pay their fair share and we win a more affordable New York. Thank you. Ms. Levenberg in the affirmative, Mr. Ekes, to explain his vote. Thank you, Madam Chair. To explain my vote, if for no other reason, I would have voted yes on this because of Part EE. In Part EE, what we've done is we've corrected a law that we had passed last year, which actually didn't allow any veterans to really qualify. And today, I want to thank the speaker. I want to thank Chairman Stern and the Veterans Committee for taking this into serious consideration. Part EE, it states that a county, a city, a town, a village, or a school district may adopt a local law or resolution that will allow the primary residence of any seriously disabled veteran to be fully exempt from taxation and special district charges, assessments, and special ad valorem levies. The qualification for this is that a veteran be 100% disabled. And let me tell you, if a veteran is 100% disabled, we should be doing everything in our power to give back to that veteran and to their family. And so, again, I want to thank them very much, and I want to indicate that I am definitely voting in the affirmative. Thank you, Mr. Ekes, in the affirmative. Are there any other votes? Announce the results. Ayes 93, nays 49. The bill is passed. Ms. Walsh, for the purpose of an introduction. Thank you very much, Madam Speaker. So we have a very special guest joining us today, who some may remember. To my left is Tom McEvitt, who is currently the Nassau County Deputy Presiding Officer, Legislator for the 13th District. But we all remember Tom from his time serving in the Assembly from 2006 to 2017. He was in my chair as floor leader. And Mr. Mickalyn, who is not here today, is the person who is attempting to fill Mr. McKevitt's shoes. But Tom was absolutely just one of the most brilliant floor leaders, was always really on top of his game, very meticulous. Very energetic and very happy to serve and was very much missed when he left us. I'm so glad to have him back today. So, Madam Speaker, would you please extend to him a warm welcome and a welcome back to the People's House? Thank you. Yes, of course. On behalf of Ms. Walsh, the Speaker, and all members, welcome back, Mr. McEvitt. It's wonderful to see you. Once a member, always a member. We know that extending to you the privileges of the floor, and it is very, very good to see you. That smile you have is what I remembered when I first started and you were the floor leader. So it's wonderful to have you back. Congratulations on all the good works that you've been doing in the community. Don't be a stranger. It doesn't seem like you come back very often. So it's very wonderful to see you here today. Thank you for joining us today. Ms. Lunsford. Thank you, Madam Speaker. We're going to continue our floor work with Rules Report No. 214 on page 3, followed by Rules Report 215, also on page 3. Thank you. Page 3, Rules Report 214. Clerk will read. Assembly No. 1003D, Rules Report 214, Budget Bill, an Act making appropriations for the support of government aid to localities budget. Governor's message is at the desk. Clerk will read. I hereby certify to an immediate vote, Kathy Hochul, Governor. An explanation has been requested. Mr. Pratlow. Yes, Madam Speaker. I have a longer explanation for us today. After many weeks of hard work and nearly as many extenders, today we are concluding the process of adopting a budget for the state fiscal year 26-27. The input of our members has guided the discussions that have led to this legislation. I would like to extend my gratitude to the many individuals who have helped us get to this point. On behalf of the Speaker and myself, I thank you for your consideration and contributions throughout the process. The enacted budget is expected to authorize approximately $268.1 billion in spending, which is $5.4 billion over the Executive's proposal. This legislation includes a package of revenue proposals that will generate a total of $1.6 billion in state fiscal year 26-27 and $1.9 billion in 27-28. The package also includes $1 billion for utility rebate checks. It is an important step forward to provide the people that we all represent some relief in an otherwise turbulent economic climate. Some of the major tax provisions contained in the overall budget framework include elimination of income taxes on tipped wages, authorizing the City of New York to impose a surcharge on property that does not serve as a primary residence, providing a property tax exemption for certain disabled veterans, and enhancing tax credits for donated food to factories and farmers. Through these proposals, the legislature demonstrates our continued commitment to assisting working families. This budget provides $39 billion in general support for public schools, an increase of $1.7 billion over the prior fiscal year. It includes changes to improve the Foundation Aid formula updating metrics as well as guaranteeing a minimum 2 annual increase for all school districts The budget also includes $1.6 billion to implement universal pre-K statewide and by the 28-29 school fiscal year. The budget expands free tuition at SUNY and CUNY schools for individuals pursuing associate degrees in high-demand fields to include those studying at four-year institutions and increases opportunities for those seeking a nursing degree. Additionally, operating and capital investments are also included for public colleges and universities. In health care, the budget invests $2.2 billion in support from the Health Care Stability Fund, including increased rates for hospital and nursing homes and increased federal funds for federally qualified health clinics. The budget provides $1.3 billion in multi-year support for the Safety Net Hospital Transformation Program and added $500 million for distressed and safety net hospitals. This budget continues funding of the $34.5 billion for the DOT five-year capital plan, as well as increases of $50 million for local roads and $30 million for upstate transit. In addition, the budget allocates a new $1 billion in funding for climate mitigation capital projects, including investments to school districts, residential buildings, and municipalities in transforming to clean energy. The enacted budget will include $25 million of increases to the Environmental Protection Fund over the prior year, and an additional $25 million for a total of $525 million for clean water infrastructure. In order to keep up with increasing enrollment in the state's child care program, program, this budget includes $3 billion for child care subsidies, an increase of $830 million over fiscal year 2526. The enacted budget makes meaningful changes for public employees who are Tier VI members, investing $146.3 million to support state costs associated with improving pension benefits. And finally, we're recognizing the importance of ensuring wages for human service workers continuing to rise, including $279.5 million to provide a 2.7 percent inflationary salary increase. With that, Madam Speaker, I will conclude my remarks, and I'm happy to answer any questions. Mr. Palmisano. Yes, Madam Speaker. Will the chairman yield? Well, Mr. Prat-Low, will you yield? I will yield for any questions, but I believe my remarks would answer every question that he could possibly have. You were certainly very thorough, Mr. Parlow. I will give you that. But I do have a few extra questions here for you. Yes. Actually, one quick question for you. Where's your assessment where we are in this game now? What inning? We're getting there. No, we're getting there. What in the fifth inning? Fifth inning, okay. Four innings to go.
The metals coming together. Metals coming together. Batteries are charged up. We're in good shape. Good. I shouldn have mentioned batteries I sorry That good sir Yeah you don want to get you on a You don want to get me going I don want to get you on a Good point Actually what I would like to get going on here is I know we finally have the financial plan Yes.
So I'd like to talk by going over some of those numbers, if we could.
Okay.
First, how much does the enacted budget spend on an all-funds basis?
All funds is $268.1 billion, which is $5.5 billion or 2% over the executive's proposal.
And that compares?
$9.2 billion over last year, which is 3.5%.
Okay. How about for state operating funds?
State operating funds, the estimate is $161.5 billion, which is an increase of $2.6 billion or 1.7% over the executive's estimate and $12.7 billion or 8.6% over state fiscal year 2526.
Okay. Is it possible for you to give us kind of a breakdown of how this additional spending will be allocated?
I guess I can. $2.4 billion in Medicaid and health, $1 billion in social services, $543 million for local government assistance, $469 million in education, $300 million for capital projects, $205 million in general public protection, $184 million for higher education, $127 million in general state charges, $52 million for housing, $47 million for economic development, $13 million for the environment, $10 million for transportation, and $10 million for mental hygiene.
All right. Thank you, Mr. Prello. How about our out-year budget gaps for 2026-27?
For 2026-27. We have a balanced budget for 2026-27.
All right. And then 27-28, 28-29, 29-30.
Give me a second. Cumulatives, $30 billion.
$30 billion.
2.4% above the executive.
Okay. I'd like to talk about reserve funds now. Our conference has always advocated for making deposits into our reserves funds for the purpose of helping the state in true economic downturn. Does this budget include any increase in our reserves?
No, it doesn't.
How much is it?
The current rainy day reserve is $8.138 billion.
All right. How about the economic uncertainties total fund?
$4.2 billion.
And the tax stabilization total?
$1.618 billion.
Okay. Thank you. The Governor has consistently highlighted her success in bolstering the state's reserves to unprecedented levels, providing a strong safeguard against unforeseen economic downturns or so-called rainy days. With significantly lower reserves than previous years, is the state maintaining the 15% reserve level?
Yes.
How will the state respond to a potential economic downturn if the reserve levels drop below 15%?
Well we don expect that to happen but we will handle it as the need arises Are reserve funds being used to help with additional spending needs in this budget
For the current fiscal year, yes. Anything from that you can break down specifically? How that's being used?
I think we're using like $2.5 billion for... We're moving $2.5 billion into our fund balance for this year.
Okay. Has there been any discussions about making the Economic Uncertainties Fund a statutory reserve fund that has a specific use and payback provisions instead of a cash fund that can be used for any purpose?
That's not being contemplated.
All right. I want to talk about debt now, if I could. When passing the debt service bill, the numbers were still in flux. Do we have an updated debt outstanding number for fiscal year 27?
You say for fiscal year 26, 27?
Yes, please.
71.8 billion. There's a state supported.
How does that compare to the governor's number and compare to last year?
Last year it was 61.6 billion. We're projecting for fiscal year 27, $71.8 billion, going up in fiscal year 28 to $80.8 billion, and fiscal year 29, $89.5 billion.
Okay. The liquiding financing measure was put into law to address cash flow needs during COVID-19. Why do we continue to extend this authorization when the state's receipts are coming in higher than forecasted and we continue to increase spending each year?
Okay, we're still handling some of the state obligations that have been around since COVID.
Okay. Now the state will come close to breaching the statutory debt cap in fiscal year 31 with only about $832 million left under the cap. Are there any measures within this budget that would reduce the state's overall debt burden?
I believe it's just prepayments.
Okay. For this bill, how much does this bill, before we get into some more detail, how much does this bill appropriate?
The total appropriation for the aid to localities. Okay, $242.3 billion.
Okay. And is there a fiscal impact or actual amount to be spent?
So the old funds is at 208.2 billion. $2 billion.
Okay. So for programs funded within this bill, particularly discretionary or newly established ones, are they subject to performance audits by the state comptroller to measure actual outcomes, or do they solely undergo basic internal agency financial compliance reviews?
The latter.
I didn't hear what you said. I thought you were waiting.
No, the latter.
I didn't hear what you said.
The latter.
Okay, gotcha. Sorry, thank you. So to ensure that taxpayer dollars are achieving their intended outcomes, Can you commit to sharing all the internal evaluation reports, statutory compliance data?
I don't have access to all of that.
Okay, that's fine. Just wanted to ask. I would definitely like to talk about education for a moment, if I may. Based on the enacted budget data, 64 districts across the state will see a decrease in their UPK aid because of changes we are making to the UPK program. Can you explain in simple terms why these districts are seeing a cut?
I don't believe that is accurate, sir.
Okay.
When the executive budget was released...
Okay, the data is...
The way it's reported is being changed, the data hasn't changed. They're not getting any less money.
Okay. Because I guess from looking at our numbers, we're worried about how the districts are supposed to move towards mandated universal pre-K in two years if their UPK allocation is not up to where it should be. Okay. When the executive budget was released, we were told that the UPK changes would generate an additional $130 million in claims for reimbursement through the UPK aid that was not reflected on the school aid runs. Has that estimate changed as we received feedback from districts during budget cycle about their ability to scale up their programs?
That hasn't changed.
No? Okay. I just want to ask about prior year aid claims. We know that's always an issue at a time when districts are struggling to find new revenue and taxpayers are already paying some of the highest property tax as a nation. What's the justification for not providing even modest appropriations to take care of some of these backlogs?
Well, I don't think we have the funds for that.
Okay.
We had it in our one house. It didn't make the final cut.
All right. I want to talk about the energy affordability guarantee real quick. In here, I know it says it's for those individuals who electrify their homes through the NYSERDA Empower Program, they do not spend more than 6% of their income on electric bills. How is this quantified? How is this determined to make sure that they know that it's only 6% of their income? and if they don't, if they meet that 6%, exceed that 6% threshold, what happens?
Okay it being used it being calculated based on income tiers similar to how tiers on your income tax forms are
Okay. Also, I know that the budget provides $33 million in new funding to provide participating utility customers, including their service territory on the Long Island Power Authority, a $25 per month credit on the utility bills, utilizing eligibility criteria to be established by the Department of Public Service. Can you provide any details concerning eligibility thresholds for this funding?
I don't have that available to me.
No? Okay. I'm going to... I'd like to pivot to some funding relative to migrants and Office of New Americans. Thank you. Obviously we know the migrant crisis that we had going on in the city and the funding concerns. Can you provide an update on how much the state has spent overall the last few years on the migrant crisis in New York City?
How much the state has spent? Approximately $2 billion.
How much will the state spend?
We've reimbursed New York City for about $3 billion.
So $2 billion?
$2 billion.
And how much will the state spend this fiscal year?
There's nothing in the current appropriations.
Okay, so just the $2 billion we've given them?
From last year, yeah.
Okay. Now, has the new mayoral administration been seeking reimbursements to help with the migrant costs?
Well, the monies that we were referring to earlier was by law in New York City was responsible for providing housing, and that money was used to pay for housing for them.
Okay. I have one question I want to ask you and raise the age, if I may. Does this budget remove any barriers preventing counties outside New York City from receiving raise the age funds?
We didn't change anything here.
Does it address counties' concerns that without upfront funding they may struggle to implement raise the age and cannot wait to be in reverse by the state for such spending?
No, the reimbursement methodology has not been changed.
Okay. The problem still exists.
The problem still exists.
Okay. I know, but the problem still exists. Are there any changes allowing counties to access Raise the Age-related program funding before they spend their own county funds?
No.
No? Okay. I'd like to go to local government assistance a little bit here. I know there's a how much is in here for we have AIM funding and then we also have the temporary municipal assistance funding.
Yes.
How much is in a temporary municipal assistance funding?
150 million.
Okay. I know we had the question about taxes. Is it always temporary taxes? Will this mean this is going to be temporary permanent assistance or no?
Hopefully.
Hopefully?
Hopefully.
All right. Is there any way that the you know given are we is the majority confident that we going to be given enough to help those many municipalities to stop so they don increase local taxes to shore up their budgets with the assistance we giving them
That is the aim.
Okay. No plan intended. No plan. Relative to New York City aid, we know they're getting a lot of assistance from the state throughout this budget. But in this bill, we have a clear picture of cash decisions to the city, the $500 million to help close the budget gap, a refund of $150 million in intercepted sales tax revenue, $45 million to offset certain public health costs that have shifted to the city. And we know that the state and the city have no problems generating revenue, but the forecasts consistently underestimate actual results. and I know that this language here requires attestation from the city that the aid will be used to help close their budget gap and avoid further burdening city taxpayers. Shouldn't this assistance, this extra assistance, this bailout, however you want to refer to it, come with more contingencies, though, to ensure that the recipient of those funds take the steps to mitigate the need for future assistance?
Okay, there's oversight involved.
Okay. And do we foresee that we're going to need to continue this level of assistance for the city in the future?
Hopefully not.
I also noticed that this budget also has other cities around the state are getting some extra assistance, assistance for their budgets, including Albany, Buffalo, Rochester, Syracuse, Mount Vernon, and Yonkers. This aid all comes with the same language imposed on New York that would require an attestation that the aid is helped close the budget gaps. Any idea why so many cities around the state are struggling to maintain their budgets?
The general cost of living, fringe benefits, so in municipal payrolls, there are a lot of things that cause cities to the inability to collect proper property taxes, the need to reval, you know, to reval property, housing. There are many issues that are causing several of the cities in our state to be on the brink of fiscal disaster. And certainly they're dealing with rising utility costs like families, businesses as well, and certainly they're going to be dealing with rising pension costs because of some of the enhancements that were passed too, right? So they're going to have to deal with
that. Given that, and I know I asked with New York City, you don't see this as a recurring
issue. We're going to have to continue to provide extra assistance to these other municipalities, are you? I don't foresee anything, but it wouldn't surprise me. At least in the short
term. Okay. I know many local governments across the state are managing these inflationary pressures, you know, stagnant AIM funding, obviously we got the temporary assistance, growing service demands. Isn't there a more holistic approach we could take to relieve these burdens, such as working to make the state more competitive to attract business, to bring businesses to these communities so we can increase their tax base? Wouldn't that be a good approach to help deal with these fiscal crises that are going on?
It may be. I'm sorry, what were you saying? It may be.
Maybe All right I have a question I want to ask There a program of grants to counties on emergency response equipment in vehicles There million that provided for grants to counties for emergency service equipment Does this program differ or how does this program differ from the Volunteer Fire Infrastructure and Equipment Grant Program?
Okay, I think you're referring to what's available only to volunteer fire departments, and this new funding can be allocated for any municipally used vehicles.
Okay. I know there's a question I want to ask you on agriculture for tariff relief. I know the enacted budget includes $30 million in local assistance funding for relief from federal tariffs on agricultural products. How do we envision this $30 million tariff relief getting into the hands of our farmers who need it? and what safeguards are going to be in place to prevent fraud, waste, and abuse?
I think that will be administered through ag and markets. Let ag and markets handle the administration. And I'm pretty sure that any farmer that's entitled to it will know how to get it.
Okay. I have one housing question, the housing access voucher program. The budget provides another $50 million for the Housing Access Voucher Pilot Program. How has the rollout of this program gone since March 1st?
Well, you just stated there's $50 million in there now, and nothing new has been allocated.
All right. Has there been any issues administering the vouchers?
Well, I think we're expecting a report this coming November to see how the program is working and if it needs to be tweeted.
Do voucher recipients need to be state residents at the time of their application?
No.
How long does it take for recipients to receive their voucher after applying?
That will be determined in the report.
Okay. I want to go back that I didn't get to before a little bit on the preamble language at the beginning. The preamble language within this bill once again authorizes the director of budget to withhold payments in the event of a structural imbalance. What payments are exempt from this withholding authority?
No, they'll be the same as last year.
Same as last year. And what happens if there's a structural imbalance of less than $2 billion?
If it's less than $2 billion, I think we'll just continue on the path. If it's more, then we have to take corrective actions.
Okay. I know past budget bills used a different mechanism to identify a structural imbalance during a given measurement period. Why wasn't that measurement used here?
This is the same as last year.
Okay. All right. Let me just check here. You know, Mr. Pratt, well, thank you very much for your time. I appreciate it.
I'm going to go on the bill now, Madam Speaker.
On the bill.
Madam Speaker, my colleagues, certainly when we're spending more than a quarter of a trillion dollars, there's going to be good things in here. I'm glad we finally got a chance to talk about the financial I kind of walked through that. I appreciate the chairman's time. Some things in this bill that are good is obviously education aid increase. The governor proposed 1%. We wanted to at least get that back to that 2% base, and we were able to do that. Obviously, to see an increase in library funding is a good thing. To see the temporary assistance, municipal assistance for local municipalities, hopefully the word assistant, temporary, in this case, means it becomes permanent. like it seems like the temporary tax increases have been. I was very glad. I didn't get a chance to ask a question, but I was very glad to see the appropriation for Donate Life. That's a very important issue for myself, a lot of people in this house. But my concerns are much more broader. Again, when you're talking about a quarter of a trillion dollar budget, think about it. That's $60 billion more than when the governor took office. That's nearly $100 billion more than when one party control took over Albany Chambers and governorship. Again, I will remind you, we do not have a revenue problem in this state. We have a spending problem. But what do we do? We continue to increase spending. We continue to increase debt. We continue to grow and increase out-year budget gaps. We continue to have more taxes, more extensions of temporary taxes, not adopting tax relief that would help encourage private sector investment in job creation. We should be looking to reduce taxes, regulations, and spending. Let's really get at the heart of these rising energy costs. We know property taxes are burdensome. We need to be fiscally responsible. That's what the people want us to do. That's what the people need us to do. We need to encourage private sector investment in job growth and job creation. This will help turn our economy around here. This will help businesses come here. This will help businesses stay here. This will help families stay here versus continue our nation-leading out migration of more families, farmers, small businesses, manufacturers leaving the state. This fiscal path we are on, this spending path we are on, is not sustainable. It's certainly not feasible. It's certainly not wise or smart. We have to do better. We must do better for those individuals, families, seniors, veterans, disabled, businesses that we serve. Listen, our families and businesses are making difficult decisions each and every day. They don't spend their way out of a problem. They make tough choices. They cut their budgets. They pay down their debt. We don't do that. we just keep spending, we just keep taxing, we keep just putting more burdensome and costly regulations on families than on businesses, we just keep increasing our debt? Why? I think the answer is, I think sometimes, and I've said this on this chamber, I think, to my friends on the other side of the aisle, I think sometimes you think this is your money and forget it's the people's money. It's sad and it's wrong. For these reasons and many other reasons, I'm going to be voting in the negative on this bill, although I'm happy with some of the things that are in here. But the bigger structural problem where we're heading with this overall budget, a budget of more than, again, a quarter of a trillion dollars I mean it a very large budget So for that reason and not having more controls on spending and not making the proper decisions I going to be voting in a negative and I urge my colleagues to do the same Thank you very much
Thank you, Mr. Jensen.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Would the chairman yield for some questions?
Would the chair yield?
Yes, I will.
Chair yield.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Before I get into health questions, I do have one education question. I'll give time for the line change. Correct me if I'm incorrect. Is there a $100 million being allocated in this budget appropriation for a three-year-old UPK in New York City?
I don't believe there's a line item for that.
There's no line item for a $100 million appropriation to fund the three-year-old UPK in the city of New York?
Well, there is funding available that they increase the number of seats they're already providing.
Okay, so if there are more seats that are increased in New York City,
there is a subsequent appropriation based on the formulaic change to help New York City schools afford it. No, that's all part of the foundation aid. There's not a separate line item for that.
Okay, fair enough. So we're doing that for New York City. but there are 73 school districts across the state that also offer three-year-old UPK. Do those school districts have the equivalent increase to their foundation aid to help cover the costs for any new enrollments they face?
No.
Why?
Well, I believe they're getting the flat $10,000 per student for all of their young people.
So they're getting $10,000. How much would it be?
For four-year-olds, yeah.
Well, but the 73 offered for three-year-olds, so New York City gets it, but the rest of New York State doesn't?
Yes.
Okay. Nice for New York City, not nice for the rest of us upstate. As we noted, now shifting to health. As we noted throughout the budget process and earlier today, I know that a lot of the specific details surrounding the Medicaid funding aren't directly in Article 7 language or appropriation language. Before we took up this bill, was there a financial plan published or an available public Medicaid scorecard?
I don't believe it's been public.
Not public?
No, not yet.
On double secret probation? In the executive budget proposal's Medicaid scorecard, it was included approximately $1.9 billion in financial plan resources for the Medicaid global cap due to anticipated changes with the essential plan. However, since the executive budget we have had, the waiver we talked about earlier approved, making that portion of the financial plan unnecessary. Do we know what is the total amount of the financial plan resources being used in this budget to offset Medicaid global cap?
I believe it's zero.
Zero. Terrific. And without the Medicaid scorecard being publicly available yet.
Well, I believe it's been given to you already.
Well, yeah, but.
It's not public, but you have it.
Well, but for the seven people watching.
We're special, Mr. Jensen.
You have it.
You're a very sweet boy, Mr. Fretlow.
Could you walk us through some of our specific funding that we would see based in Medicaid for a couple different items First of all the reallocation for nursing home VAT funding
You referring to $20 million?
Yes.
Okay, that was used to pay for capital rehabilitation?
Okay, so that was, we reallocated that to the tune of $20 million?
Yes.
Okay.
for the health home qualifying conditions reform.
Pardon? Say that again, please. I'm sorry.
I'm sorry. I was speaking not directly into my microphone. Health home qualifying conditions reform. We restored that.
To $5 million?
I believe so.
Okay. How about aligning personal care fee-for-service administrative reimbursement at 15%?
We're experiencing $7.5 million in savings there.
Seven and a half million. Okay, thank you. In the health and mental hygiene budget, there was an amending of the governor's proposed changes to biomarker coverage, which was a proposed saving of $50 million.
Yeah.
Is there a new fiscal attached with the proposal due to the amendments?
No. No, there isn't.
There is not?
No.
Okay. Moving to the MCO tax, HMH legislation we took up earlier lined out approximately $1.3 billion in health stability fund investments. And I know we talked about it a little bit earlier, but for those seven people watching, just want to get into it again. Is this the full amount of revenue that we received, that was received under the previous MCO tax extension?
No.
No? What's the difference?
It's about a billion dollars of additional spending.
A billion in additional. Okay.
Yes.
Also in HMH that we took up earlier, we authorized a new MCO and HICRA tax framework. Could you provide the amount the state projects to receive under this new tax for fiscal years 27 and 28?
That's about $165 billion.
In which fiscal year?
27.
27, what would it be for 28?
27, 28.
Combined? Or both years?
It's a whole fiscal year. It's one year.
Yes, but then we have one fiscal year and then another fiscal year.
Well, you'd ask for 26, 27.
No, I asked for 27 and then 28.
Okay, 27, 28 fiscal year is $165 million.
Okay. And there's nothing in 26, 27. Okay. Okay. Is there any overlap between the previous MCO tax arrangement and the one we approved a few hours ago?
No.
No? Okay. Moving to the essential plan, we're no longer receiving the funding for the ALIESA population enrollees under the essential plan. could you provide a projection of federal revenue compared to the expenses for the essential plan moving forward?
Okay Are you referring to tax credits that we have received
The revenue versus the expenses.
Okay. I don't have the information, sorry.
Would that be something that we would see on the financial plan or the Medicaid scorecard once it is public?
More than likely the financial plan when it's publicized.
Okay. And I know we brought this up that earlier today that I believe it was mentioned that there's $9 billion in the Essential Plan Trust Fund.
Yes.
How much do we anticipate after this fiscal year will remain in the trust fund?
About $6 billion.
So $3 billion.
We're drawing down around $3 billion a year.
Okay, and we anticipate to be consistent over the next few out years, the $3 billion?
Yes.
Okay. And I know earlier today we talked about that there is a concern that the plan could become insolvent as soon as 2032 and we're going to be looking in the future to address that. But do we have any idea that in the event that the plan does become insolvent, do we know what sort of resources from the general fund would be required to continue providing coverage for the essential plan?
Well, 2032 is a long ways away. We really haven't looked at it that closely at this point, but I'm pretty sure that arrangements will be made to ensure that its insolvency does not come to fruition. So we will cross that bridge as we approach it? Well, we're
approaching it now. We're not going to wait till we get there. Okay. But we do know that
there's a situation in the future that we have to address. Okay. I know earlier my colleague
from Yorktown brought up the medical indemnity fund. And this budget bill includes $155.5 million in funding for the fund, which is a little over $55 million less than last year. Will this funding be adequate to ensure services for those currently receiving MIFF services?
I believe so, yes.
As well as prospective enrollees?
Yes.
Okay. And I know that the HMH budget bill extended the current rates and excluded the governor's proposed benchmarking of rates to Medicaid and Medicare. Is there a possibility that funding issues for the MIFF reoccur and that there could be a need for a new proposal to keep the MIFF solvent this year or in future years?
Not this year, but maybe in future years. In future years it could become another bridge we have to cross.
I know that our Riker on Ways and Means was very passionate along with a lot of members on both sides of this house for Donate Life. How much was included in this appropriation for Donate Life?
It was by a million dollars.
A million dollars. How does that compare to last year?
Same.
How much was included for Spina Bifida?
Maybe it was by
$75,000. $75,000, okay. Is there any funding for the Alliance for Safe Kids? No. Is there any appropriation to fix the long-term inequity of early intervention services across the state and clear backlogs?
There is no additional. No additional? No, sir.
I know that in the Health Stability Fund we talked about earlier that there was some hospice funding. Is there any money directly appropriated to hospice care in this budget appropriation?
No. No.
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate your answers. Madam Speaker, thank you.
Thank you. Mr. Molitor?
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Will the sponsor yield? Mr. Palo, will you yield?
Yes.
Sponsor Yelts. Thank you, Mr. Pretlow. So I wanted to ask you on this bill, this is one of our appropriation bills, where in this bill is there funding for the new convertible pistol ban that will be in effect? Department of Criminal Justice?
Sorry, what...
Do you see J.S.? What's the exact line item for that one?
Do you want me to go through the bill and find the line?
Well, I would like... I'll take up your entire 15 minutes looking for that line. I would like to know how much money this particular bill appropriates for the new convertible pistol.
It's $500,000, half a million dollars.
Where can I find that?
In the DCJS budget. There's not a separate line for it, but that's how much we're assuming will be utilized out of there.
general funds balance. So $550,000 is going to be allocated for what exactly?
For a task force.
A task force?
The creation of a task force, yes.
That's going to do what?
To evaluate the technological aspects of the bill that we're passing.
Well, but the bill that we've already passed adds a new criminal penalty. So how does that have anything to do with this appropriation bill that we're passing?
So the task force has to come up with a program to evaluate the feasibility of how we can control or oversee 3D printers and the blocking technology that we think exists
I understand. I'm not talking about 3D printers. I'm talking about...
It's all part of the same program. We're trying to keep illegal guns off of the streets, and we're trying to keep ghost guns, 3D-printed guns, and guns with other technologies that we think that we can utilize to keep criminals off the streets.
Well, but the bill that we passed just a couple days ago, So that creates a new criminal penalty for someone that sells, transfers, or possesses a gun that is currently legal but will not be legal as of May 31st of 2027.
Yes, but that's not in this bill.
No, but what I'd like to know, and maybe your answer is this, is there anything in this bill that appropriates money for that new criminal penalty?
No.
Okay, thank you. Is there anything in this bill that supports the Local Cops, Local Crimes Act?
For this particular program you're referring to or in general?
Anything in this appropriation bill that we're discussing that supports...
Then no.
Okay. Is there anything in this appropriation bill that supports the New York State Bivens Act?
No.
Okay. Is there anything in this appropriation bill that supports restrictions on immigration enforcement by state employees and municipal governments?
That would be in the state ops bill.
Okay, but not this bill?
Not in this bill.
Okay. Is there anything in this bill that supports the prohibition of immigration enforcement in schools?
Not in this bill. That's the state ops also.
Is there anything in this bill that supports the enforcement of sensitive location protections from immigration enforcement?
No.
Anything in this bill that supports the prohibition for law enforcement face coverings No And anything in this bill that supports the Office of Immigrant Trust
No.
Okay. Thank you, Mr. Pretlow, for answering my questions.
Mr. Minktelow.
Thank you, Madam Speaker. Would the chair yield? Mr. Pretlow, will you yield?
Yes, Madam Speaker.
Thank you, Mr. Pratlow. I'm sorry I had to get you back out of your chair so quick. I just want to go over a few numbers with the veterans' benefits in this part of the budget. I just got a chance to look at this first thing this morning for the first time. I just want to make sure I'm clear. Is it $9.7 million that we have in the budget this year for veterans' benefits?
I believe that's the correct number.
And is that an increase or decrease from last year?
Okay, if you're comparing numbers this year versus last year, it'll look as though there is a decrease. but it's really not the case. But money was transferred to the Department of State to handle certain programs that were handled after that the Department of
Veteran Services used to handle. Yes, I believe that was the $415,000 for the
Alex R. Himnex. 525,000. 525? Right. Okay. It's for the Alex R. George Jamirez.
All right. Legacy policy, yeah. All right. Thank you. So I kind of went through the numbers really quick myself, along with our Ways and Means staff, and it looks like it's about three-quarters of a million dollars less from last year, or from this year, from last year to this year.
Yes.
You agree? All right. So I'm wondering, you know, year after year, Chair, we see the Veterans budget come through, through and year after year, I always refer to it as a pawn on the chessboard. The Governor uses it to negotiate. But why do you think the Governor constantly wants to either negotiate or gut these benefits for our veterans?
Well, she's really not doing that, she's just transferring some of the expenditures that were formally made at a division of Veteran Services to the Department of State. The legislature actually added money to the veterans programs. The total amount that was shifted was $525,000 for the Alex J. Ramirez immigrant legacy program and $250,000 for the military family relief fund.
Yes I did see that And there another one too as well So let talk a little bit about the military relief fund family relief fund Why was the decrease from last year to this year
The tax checkoff and so this just reflects better how much money is going to receive. Okay, this is a tax checkoff and doing it this way reflects better as to how much money is being allocated toward it.
I'm sorry, I did not hear you.
It's a tax check off, like on your income taxes. Doing it this way better reflects how much money the state is putting toward the programs.
All right. Have we ever took a look at how these families are getting that information?
I haven't, no.
Has the state?
I would imagine they do, but not through the legislature.
All right. Who would you suggest I reach out to find that information?
The Department of Veterans Services.
Okay. Secondly, also our Vietnam Veterans of America, New York State Council, they were at 100,000 last year. Now they're at zero this year. I was wondering why. They informed us that they're no longer doing it.
Yeah, I believe that they're no longer operating the program.
They are no longer operating.
They backed away from it, yeah.
So is that, that's the case they did back away?
Yes, they called us and said we're no longer going to administer the program.
All right, Chair, thank you for answering my questions. Madam Speaker, on the bill?
On the bill.
Just one last thought. Again, we constantly shift the monies for our veterans. Our New York State Veterans Department is probably one of the smallest funded departments in New York State government. We constantly see that money getting cut or moved around. I just wonder why we do that. And as I look back to our local districts back home, we have the Veterans Outreach Center of Rochester in Monroe County, Madam Speaker. And they were at $350,000 last year. They're at $350,000 again in this budget. I'm thankful that they weren't cut, but I know with the amount of money that we've cut from our veterans organizations, from this veterans budget, we could use that money to help fund the Veterans Outreach Center at a higher level. I know talking with the director and many of her staff and many of the veterans that go, they're men and women, they do so much for the veterans, short-term and long-term. And again, with a budget that's increased so much, why are we not funding them a little more this year?
We've advocated for that.
We went through the budget process, but yet still it's a flat line stagnant number. And I hope next year when we get back to this budget that you all will take a hard look at what we do for our veterans and make sure we fund them at a proper level. So thank you, Madam Speaker, for allowing me to say a few words.