March 24, 2026 · Children and Human Services Committee · 27,200 words · 15 speakers · 203 segments
Other commitments and committees, so we're going to go ahead and do our amendment acceptance first. And so we'll be moving things around a little bit, and then we'll do the sponsor hearing. We're going to do something that's not typically done, where you start a bill, and then we're going to pause it after we accept the amendments, and we're going to come back to it later in the hearing. So we will have first the amendments, then we'll have Senators Serena and Reynolds, and then we're going to have the midwifery bill, and then we're going to finish with the child care. There is a chance, because of our deadline, that we are going to have to recess and then come back later in the afternoon. I know some of you are planning to testify on both child care bills, and so if you are not going to be able to stay for both, we can give a little flexibility as far as allowing you to speak a little bit on both, but we do need to just make us aware as we move forward. Okay? So thanks, everybody, for being here. Clerk, please call the roll. Chair White.
Here.
Vice Chair Salvo.
Ranking Member Lutt. Here.
Representative Brewer.
Representative Brownlee. Here.
Representative Bryant-Bailey.
Representative Click. Click here.
Representative Dieter.
Here. Representative Fowler-Arthur.
Here.
Representative Miller. Representative Odioso.
Here.
Representative Ray. Representative Richardson.
Present. Okay, we've got a quorum, so we will proceed as a full committee. And if you could check out your iPads and let me know, as we normally have such an extensive period reviewing them in committee. If anyone has any objections to the minutes, seeing no objections, the minutes are approved. With that, we are going to go ahead, and just reminding everybody, if you want to take pictures today, there's forms on the table. Just go ahead and fill those out for us, and then one of our legislative assistants will help. All right, so now we're going to call up House Bill 647 for hearing part one, and we have a sub-bill to consider. We figured there's been so many amendments, it would be much easier for you to see the amendments all in a context with the additional changes. So the chair recognizes Representative Odioso for a motion.
Madam Chairwoman, I move to amend HB 647 with L136-3000.
Okay, the sub-bill is in order. Please proceed. This sub-bill harmonizes all the previously accepted amendments for HB 647, as well as requires the Inspector General to investigate allegations of fraud instead of the Attorney General. Are there any objections to the sub-bill? All right, seeing none, the sub-bill is accepted. We're going to now pause this sixth hearing of House Bill 647, and we will pick up House Bill 649 for its fourth hearing. The chair recognizes Representative Odioso again for a motion.
Madam Chairwoman, I move to amend HB 649 with L136256011.
The amendment is in order. Please explain. This sub-bill harmonizes the amendment that was accepted last week and makes the following changes to that amendment as it relates to provisions establishing standards governing the recording and verifying of PFCC attendance. One, that DCY may only use the video capabilities from the camera system contained in the electronic tablet that DCY provides participating PFCC providers. rather than the system live feed to collect necessary data points to verify attendance Two that the prohibition against DCY storing and capturing any photograph or video does not apply to those stored or captured before the bill's enactment. Three, that participating PFCC providers must collect a child's data points not later than one hour after the child's initial arrival for the day has been recorded, rather than at the time attendance is recorded. Are there any objections to the sub-bill? Seeing none, this will become the document we work from at this point. So I'm going to now pause the fourth hearing of House Bill 649, and we will pick back up then with Senate Bill 35 for its first hearing. And we welcome Senators Jerry Serino and Michelle Reynolds to provide sponsor testimony.
Thank you very much. Good morning. Chairwoman White, Ranking Member Lett, and members of the House Children and Human Services Committee, thanks for the opportunity to present sponsor testimony on substitute Senate Bill 35, legislation that would recognize supported decision-making as an alternative to guardianship for adults with developmental disabilities. Supported decision-making is the process of supporting and accommodating an adult with a developmental disability who is making, communicating, or implementing the adult's own life decisions without impeding the adult's self-determination. A supported decision-making plan is a plan between an adult with a developmental disability, the principal, and one or more supporters chosen by the principal that is formal and documented through a written plan. Supported decision-making plans are a less restrictive alternative to guardianship. They promote autonomy for individuals with a developmental disability while still having the help that they need and support to make their own decisions. These plans allow adults with DD to make their own life choices with help from trusted supporters through a formal agreement to assist with major decisions, such as employment, education, major purchases, etc., while ensuring the person's independence and reducing the risk of any exploitation. Formally recognizing supported decision-making in the Ohio Revised Code would help the state free up its guardianship resources for the individuals who truly need guardians. Although supported decision-making informally exists in our state today, recognizing it in Ohio law would give families a solid foundation for continuing to provide this support, knowing their choice will be respected. For individuals who currently have a guardian but have developed the skills to make some decisions on their own, supported decision-making can provide compelling evidence to the court that guardianship may no longer be necessary. In supported decision-making plans, the supporter shall act as a fiduciary for the principal, and protections are in place for the principal if any conflicts of interest arise for the supporter. The principal may modify or end a supported decision-making plan at any time and for any reason by simply notifying the supporter. Substitute Senate Bill 35 does not require any adult with a developmental disability to enter into a supported decision plan It simply recognizes the practice and legitimizes its use for those who wish to do so The bill also requires that the Department of Developmental Disabilities develop a model supported decision-making plan as well as informational materials about SDM plans for adults with developmental disabilities, family members, and professionals who are likely to encounter a plan. This legislation passed out of the Senate Judiciary Committee unanimously, where we made necessary changes to tighten and clarify foundational provisions of the bill. It then passed out of the Senate unanimously. It's supported by leading advocates for Ohioans with developmental disabilities as well as individuals with developmental disabilities. Thank you again for the opportunity to provide sponsor testimony. I will now turn this over to Senator Reynolds, and we'll both be happy to answer any questions afterwards. Thank you. Thank you, Senator Serino. To the chair, Chair White, Vice Chair Salvo, and Ranking Member Lett, I am here to talk in support of this bill. I'm going to go off script a little bit. I just think that this is a very important step as we support individuals of all abilities to be able to self-actualize. As my joint sponsors said this is a less restrictive alternative per guardianship. And so traditionally we've had individuals with developmental disabilities supported by a guardian because of their mental state. However, we've seen through the years, and I've had many constituents, actually my family's business is supporting individuals with developmental disabilities, and we've seen through the years how they grow and they want to grow and they want to be able to make their own decisions just like our own kids. And because of that, sometimes our roles need to change. We don't always need to approach everything from a guardian or a control standpoint. We need to have coaches. We need to coach individuals to be able to self-actualize and live to their fullest potential. And this is what this bill does. For those who need guardians, that's still a process in place. But for those who would really like to have a trusted circle, people that they trust, folks that they work with, They could be family members or folks that they trust, and they say, I really, you are my circle, just like we have one, and I trust you, and I want to ask you for advice to help me grow. And that codifies this into law and makes it clear that these are individuals that can be supporters of theirs. They have a fiduciary responsibility, and at any time, the individual who is giving that delegated authority is in control of their plan and their own life. And so I just think that from a human level, this is dignifying. I think it helps individuals grow, and it recognizes and respects their opportunity to grow as adults and live up to their fullest potential, and I fully support it. And we're happy to answer questions at this time.
All right. Thank you, Senators. I do have a question from Representative Fowler-Arthur.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Thank you both for your work on this bill. When I saw that it was going through the Senate, I shared it back with a constituent who had reached out to my office a few years back, actually, with kind of a dilemma that I'd like to pose to you and just see how you envision this working in practicality. So they had a child with severe cognitive disability, a nonverbal adult graduating from school and the Developmental Disabilities Board was pushing that that child become an independent adult and be responsible for making their own decisions even though they didn have the ability to communicate verbally or in writing what their thoughts would be Would this language in the bill make it where that assumption from the board would have been the starting point? The family's concern when I shared the bill back was, well, as the caretaker and trying to make sure that we do respect our child, but also make sure they have the services that they need, how does that actually play out practically when they can't actually verbally or in writing communicate?
Sure. Thank you for the question. Through the chair. Sorry, I'll use this microphone. So, you know, clearly there are cases when full guardianship needs to be granted by the court. You know, an agreement can't be entered into unless both parties are cognizant of what the agreement is, similar to the legal definition of a contract, certainly. And so if someone is unable to, because of their disability, to make it clear that they would like to enter into this agreement, I think the courts would have to be looking at that and saying, you know, if there's already guardianship that exists that needs to be continued, or if no guardianship has been established, that they would establish it as guardianship, because both parties have to concur with the agreement for it to be standing. I hope that answers your question.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Thank you for that answer. I think that does shed a lot of light on it. I guess the one follow-up question that they also posed me was, would anything in this bill help with the cost of having to go to court and getting the guardianship for an individual as far as the family side, or does this mean that every family would have to go through the court process when their child with a disability is graduating?
Right. Through the chair to Representative Arthur, There is no appropriation in this bill attached to it, so any expenses related to going through this process would have to be borne by the families.
Ranking Member Lett.
Thank you, Chairwoman. Thank you guys so much for bringing this bill in front of us. I, in theory, am a very passionate supporter of this bill. I have a 15-year-old with severe developmental disabilities, So this very much piqued my interest. Once I reviewed the bill, I did have some questions in kind of a similar vein to Rep. Fowler-Arthur, in particular about what happens when this is played out in real life. So just wondering if you anticipate this shifting the burden of proof in guardianship proceedings in any meaningful way, and if so, how?
Through the chair. I'm sorry, could you just repeat the question? I want to make sure I got it correct.
Absolutely. So do you anticipate this supported decision-making plan or these decision-making plans that they'll shift the burden of proof? You know, oftentimes we see people who are higher functioning as they get older, they tend to decompensate. So there might be a situation where you have an SDM in place, and at some point it becomes necessary to then apply for guardianship because of a decompensation due to aging or a medical issue or what have you. anticipate that this would then shift the burden of proof for what would be required to establish guardianship.
Through the chair to the ranking member. I guess that's one of the reasons why we've asked in the bill for the Department of Developmental Disabilities to develop a model document that would be used. And hopefully there would be in that form, there would be a defined process by which if family members, let's say, felt that the developmentally disabled individual in their family who had an agreement was no longer capable of owning up to their share of the responsibilities with that, and that it was necessary to go to the court, they can certainly, would have standing to do that, and basically eliminate the agreement we're talking about in the bill, and go to full guardianship. Okay. It's a great question. Thank you very much for that.
No follow-up.
Representative Click.
Thank you. Thank you, Senators, for this thoughtful piece of legislation. And my question is kind of going to follow in the same vein as the last two, because I had a mother come to my office last week, has two adult children who have special needs, and she's very concerned that she's going to lose the ability to present that role that she has as a parent looking out for her children. And I just told her, I said, I didn't commit it one way or the other. I'll just follow the legislation. I'll just ask the questions. So what would you tell this mother, like if you're speaking to her, What would you say to assure her that if her children actually do need her supervision, that she'll be able to retain that and look out for the best interest of her children despite the opportunities for independence in this legislation?
May I? Yes, please. Go ahead. To the chair, to the senator, thank you for the question. First of all, I'll say that it's also hard for me as a mom to let my boys go, and they're grown. So I get it. And we did hear testimony in committee from concerned parents and loved ones and guardians that said, hey, what if guardianship is necessary? And I can assure you guardianship is not going away. So in the event, that's why I like this bill, because it allows for flexibility. It's not painting a broad brush saying that we only need one way, which is guardianship, to support individuals with developmental disabilities. it is allowing for that continuity. Life is in developmental stages, and so as people grow older and they have more needs, even like our parents, and they age, and you may need to take guardianship or help them and support in their life cycle, that allows this to be so. But when that's not the case, when we have someone who's vibrant and who wants to live and self-autonomy, it allows you to support them in a different way. So that's what I like about this bill is that it gives you those options, and it's a less restrictive way because everybody doesn't need those restrictions, but some people do, so it doesn't take it away. And hopefully that's helpful.
Follow up? So I'm just curious, the impetus for the legislation, you know, where did that come from? Do we have people who are bound in guardianship who feel like they should not be bound in guardianship, but they can't get out? and so this helps them or just if you can give me the history and the origin of the bill that would be helpful To the chair to the senator and then I let Senator Serino speak as well So because of my experience working in this field for 40 years
there are individuals with developmental disabilities and advocates and consumers who are very high-functioning, and they're asking, you know, we want to be able to have control of our own lives, the same things that our kids say to us, whether they have a disability or not, and they say, you know, that's too much control. So that, from a consumer level, is coming to us. What we also have, though, is loved ones who are very much concerned, who are like, well, sometimes there needs to be parental control. Sometimes there needs to be a little bit more restriction. And so that's what this allows is that flexibility. It's not saying that we're going to go all or nothing. It's saying we're going to have both and coexist. Now, I'll let my response. Thank you, Senator. So, Representative Click, I think it's a great question. You know, families that are, and we discovered this in discussion with some of the experts and with testimony that we heard in the Senate, that, you know, families where the disabled individual has extremely involved and engaged family members are probably not going to be using these very much, okay? One of the concerns that was expressed to us was individuals who don't have family assisting them in a lot of these decisions, but are still able to make some of their own decisions with some proper advice, that that's probably where this is going to come in most handily. So, again, there's tremendous flexibility in this, and it's not a blanket. You can decide everything for this individual. they can be very narrowly defined. It depends on what the individual situation calls for. Thank you.
Okay. Okay. Go ahead. Representative Richardson.
Thank you, Madam Chair. Thank you both for your testimony. I've learned a lot even just in a few minutes listening to you, so I thank you so much. My question is really just with regard to the fiduciary duties. I would guess that that's probably where the rub comes in a little bit. So now you have a guardian who has a responsibility for those duties. And the shift goes, if I'm reading the bill correctly, to the supporter. Does that, just to be clear, does that mean the supporter now takes the fiduciary duty over the guardian on behalf of the principal?
Through the chair, Representative Richardson. So I think there were a couple of parts to your question. So we wanted to have, and we heard a lot of testimony, as I suspect you will, as this proceeds through the committee, that there needs to be protections for the individual, for the fiduciary, who is going to be making some of these decisions. Otherwise, if there's extreme liability involved, and we're not talking about fraud, that obviously should never be protected. But if there's good faith efforts on the part of the expert to provide good advice, they need to be protected so that they aren't going to be challenged. Otherwise, we'll have nobody willing to step up and do this. And so that's why we covered that in the bill. And we had a lot of testimony and discussion on that. And again, if it goes to full court protection, then we have existing revised code that governs how that relationship works, certainly. Okay?
Thank you. No follow-up.
Okay. We'll have one more question, then we'll need to move on. Thank you Father Arthur I sorry I thought Thank you so much Madam Chair Thank you for that One last question that came to mind over here is
since it seems like the family court system is very burdened at the present time, do you anticipate families or individuals who are needing to pursue guardianship or this going through the court process getting timely hearings or it bogging down the system any more than it's currently bogged down? And if so, could we discuss how we might be able to prevent it from becoming another bureaucratic delay in receiving care or updating the care plan?
Well, thank you to the chair, to the senator. I would hope that because we are putting this in place that we wouldn't need to go to – Some of these things will be taken care of because we actually have a methodology of how to put these plans in place. So that will mitigate the need for as many people that need guardianship. And so guardianship would be reserved for the courts for those more restrictive, those cases that have the most need. And then you would be able to put these plans in place that do not require the court. So I would hope that it would actually decrease. but I guess I would love to hear from judicial conference or people in the judiciary to tell me otherwise, but we didn't necessarily have that concern in the Senate, so I think it's a legitimate question, but I think we would have to hear from some of the experts to see what they think as well.
All right. Thank you both for coming in. This will conclude our first hearing on Substitute Senate Bill 35. All right. Next, we will call up House Bill 537 for opponent and interested party hearings. First, we will have Monica Hickel and Dr. Lisa Bowman-Egbert for testimony. Chairwoman White, Vice Chair Salvo, and Ranking Member Lett, members of the Children and Human Services Committee.
My name is Monica Hickel. I'm the Vice President of Advocacy for the Ohio State Medical Association. I appreciate the opportunity today to testify and give some of our comments and some questions that we have related to 537. I've actually been working on a version of this bill in one way or another. And since the beginning of my time at OSMA, which is about 12 years, we are supportive of licensing midwives in the state of Ohio. And we are very thankful to the sponsors for a lot of different provisions that they added into this bill. Some of the aspects of this bill we've worked on for several years to make sure that we have patient protections in place to make sure that we have things like informed consents, adverse reporting, liability language, things like that, registering the intended place of birth before a patient gives birth. There are some provisions, though, that we continue to have questions on in some areas of the bill that we would like to kind of have guardrails around and more clearly define certain pieces of it. So I'll get into a handful of those, and then I'll let Dr. Egbert give the more clinical sort of aspects of the bill. But from a licensing perspective, you know, I think committee has probably noticed that there are numerous different types of midwives that we have here in the state of Ohio and around the country. This bill is specifically licensing certified midwives and what we are now calling licensed midwives. The certified midwives are licensed under the Board of Nursing. The licensed midwives will be licensed under the Department of Commerce. There are still numerous types of midwives that could be practicing in the state of Ohio that actually aren included in licensure in this bill such as traditional midwives professional midwives and international midwives Now, you can be a professional midwife or an international midwife and get licensed as a licensed midwife under this bill, but you can still continue practicing without having sort of the licensing guardrails that are included in this bill, which we find a little confusing. if we're going to license midwives, which again, we support, it would be a lot easier if everybody is just licensed and licensed under the same entity. To have some licensed by the Board of Nursing and some licensed by the Department of Commerce doesn't really make a lot of sense to us. The Department of Commerce is not typically a state agency that license any other health care providers. And so having them licensed under the Board of Nursing would be our preference. We could even talk about the Department of Health, something like that, that is more sort of a healthcare related board but just having some continuity around all the different types of midwives that we have in Ohio in a streamlined licensure process for all of them licensed under the same agency I think would really help create some continuity around the process there's also language in there that allows individuals from other states to come and practice in the state of Ohio every state sort of has some different requirements around how they they license midwives. As I mentioned, the term a licensed midwife is not one that we commonly see around the country. They're either a community midwife, a professional midwife, a certified midwife, a traditional midwife, but the term licensed midwife is also a little confusing because it seems like it's an umbrella term for everybody, but we still have individuals in the state of Ohio that will not be licensed. We are appreciative of the language in the bill related to collaboration agreements. So certified midwives under this bill have a very similar scope of practice to nurse midwives, which makes sense based upon their education and training. They do have that connection to a doctor, just like all other nurses do in the state of Ohio. We would ask that language to be extended to the other groups of midwives that we have in the state of Ohio so that everybody sort of has that backup with a connection to a physician. There is some language around reporting requirements in the bill, which we are appreciative of. we think that we could probably make it a little bit more robust. It also is, again, a little confusing the different entities that are involved with this. So, again, we have the Board of Nursing that is the entity that is regulating the certified midwives. There is also a committee that's being established in this bill called the Midwife Advisory Council. That is housed under the Department of Commerce. And then there is also reporting data that is housed through the Department of Health. And so, again, for us to streamline everything and make sure that sort of all those reporting requirements are covered under the same entity and have all of the types of robust things that we would like to see, I think would be really helpful, such as where was your intended place of birth? Were there any adverse outcomes? How many births are we actually having in the state of Ohio that we have outside of a health system? Because we do not license all these different midwives in Ohio right now, we don't have, it's hard to tell how many midwives we have practicing in Ohio and what sort of that data is around what their birth outcomes and things of that nature. So I think having robust data collection will be helpful. And again, thank you for putting some of those provisions in the bill, but I think if we have one entity that's overseeing everybody and housing all that data collection, that would be helpful. We also worked a lot around religious exemptions, which we know is really important in the state of Ohio, when we created the language around freestanding birthing centers. So just to sort of mirror the language that we have there for this partnership. of the bill and for these licensing of midwives, I think would be helpful. We have different language in this bill around religious exemptions versus what we have for the freestanding birthing center. So I think continuity across that language would be good. And then from the scope of practice perspective, getting into sort of like what do high risk, what do we mean when we're talking about a high risk delivery? And what are some of the concerns around that? I think if we are going to go down this path, limiting home births to low-risk pregnancies is where there is obviously more of a level of comfort. But I will turn it over to Dr. Egbert and let her get into the specifics around high-risk versus low-risk and those type of things. Go ahead.
Thank you, Monica. Thank you, Chair White and committee. My name is Dr. Lisa Bowman Egbert. I am a longtime member and a past president of the Ohio State Medical Association. As a soloist in private practice in general obstetrics and gynecology for over 27 years in Dayton, I personally cared for thousands of obstetric patients from their first positive pregnancy test at all of their prenatal visits to delivering their babies and caring for them postpartum. I also managed their general gynecologic well-woman care. As Monica said, I'd like to provide some additional clinical perspectives on HealthSpo 537. It's extremely concerning to me that this bill would allow home births to include vaginal birth after cesarean, or now we call them trial of labor after cesarean, birth of twins, and breech births at home. While we maintain that hospitals and accredited birth centers remain the safest setting for birth, each birthing patient does have a right to make medically informed decision about their delivery. Part of that medically informed decision is being empowered with the knowledge about factors which greatly reduce perinatal mortality risk to both moms and babies. And this includes the appropriate selection of lower risk candidates for home birth. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists Committee on Obstetric Practice considers VBAC, birth of twins, and breech births to be an absolute contraindication to a planned home birth. Because of the distinct and serious risks associated with these deliveries, we strongly recommend that these births occur in an accredited facility or hospital with trained staff that can promptly perform emergency cesarean delivery to avoid needless maternal and fetal risk. There are simply too many predictable and significant complications, including life-threatening concerns, which can arise from these circumstances. These cases require specific medical attention by trained personnel within a narrow time interval to avoid catastrophic consequences. Sometimes, there are no warning signs of these potentially catastrophic outcomes, except those which can only be detected with resources and personnel available in hospitals and accredited care facilities, such as continuous phenomodernary. There is an increased risk of uterine rupture in patients who labor after one or more cesarean births. This is a rare but dangerous and life-threatening complication for both patient and baby. It occurs when the uterus opens at the previous scar. Fortunately, uterine rupture with quick surgical intervention and resuscitation to the baby, most women and babies survive. But such urgent intervention is only possible in the accredited hospital The American College of Nurse Midwives has stated that it is quote safest to have a VBAC in a hospital so you and your baby can be monitored during labor, end quote. At my hospital, for both the safety and the mom, we do not even allow a trial of labor after cesarean to occur without an obstetrician in-house ready for mom and baby. Additionally, House Bill 537 includes language that allows a patient to refuse referral from a midwife to a more appropriate setting for trial of labor after cesarean, birth of twins, or a breech birth. We appreciate a patient's right to choose, but this legislation must account for how to handle the situation and what a midwife should do if they no longer feel comfortable and able to continue the maternity care of a patient who refuses referral. It is imperative that high-risk deliveries take place in settings which are equipped to handle the specific and heightened needs of these patients, including operative delivery. As an obstetrician and a mother who survived two very high-risk pregnancies, including the birth of my own twins, I believe the provisions in House Bill 537 regarding these deliveries pose an absolutely unacceptable risk to patients in Ohio, and it is moving Ohio in the wrong direction. Thank you for your consideration, and we would be happy to take any questions.
Thank you very much.
Ranking Member Lett. Thank you, Chairwoman. Thank you so much for coming in to testify today. You touched on something that I have been thinking about a lot since I first started reviewing this bill in the section, Monica, that you were talking about, the reporting requirements. One of the things that I'm concerned about with this bill is if you are licensed in some way, shape, or form across the spectrum of the different categories that we're going to license for midwifery, what happens if you lose that license or there's an adverse outcome and you're stripped of your licensure in some way? I'm concerned that this bill then allows you to go practice as an unlicensed traditional midwife and continue seeing patients and the possibility that they would therefore not know that you had been stripped of your licensure. Do you think it would be advantageous or helpful or beneficial really in any way to add that to the reporting requirements that if you have lost licensure, there's a list? Or, you know, I'm thinking about it in terms of, you know, financial advisors. If they do not perform their fiduciary responsibilities, they are then put on a brokerage check. And every time you Google that person's name and look up their track record, you can see, you know, the adverse outcomes that they have had throughout their career. So just wanted your opinion on that and if you think it would be helpful to add. Thank you.
Chairwoman to the representative, I do think that would be helpful. We have the same thing with physicians. If you're a physician who loses their license through the medical board, you can't practice medicine in the state of Ohio until your license is reinstated. So I think that does create some of the confusion that I was sort of hitting on with how we have some midwives that will now be licensed and some that will continue to not be licensed. To not have those appropriate guardrails around it is a little concerning. with the adverse reporting aspects of it as well. We've had conversations with some committee members about how when we have an adverse situation that happens in the medical space, there's a committee that reviews the adverse outcome. And then they talk about steps to make sure that never happens again We have adverse reporting outcomes in this bill but we don have that next step that like how do we make sure something like this doesn happen In every facility, we have that for doctors, where you have this committee that reviews it. And so to have additional language like that included in the bill, I think would also be helpful.
All right. Thank you.
Thank you.
Vice Chair Salvo. Thank you, Chair. And thank you, Doctor. One of my questions is with those high-risk pregnancies in the home environment, do we have any data of what those negative consequences or outcomes might have been in the past, given we don't have a certification process at this time?
Thank you for the question through the chair to the representative. Actually, I don't think we have data, and I'll confirm with Monica here. I think part of the problem is the lack of licensure. The lack of licensure means that there's no reporting. And one of the key components that I am really, really concerned about is, let's say there is a catastrophic outcome or potential catastrophic outcome. Let's say one of the unlicensed midwives is managing this birth at home, recognizes a problem, calls the ambulance, puts them in a squad, and sends them to the hospital, then that poor outcome becomes the data of the hospital, not the midwife. So I'm very concerned about that lack of continuity of care, the lack of reporting, the ability of a midwife to say, well, I've not had any maternal or fetal deaths, but what if an incident happened at the hospital after that patient had been transferred? So it's very concerning that there aren't guardrails. I think that, you know, again, patient choice, very important, but patient choice with knowledge, with understanding what the risks are and what that provider is offering to them and what their risks are and what their past performance has been. If there's no licensing around that, there's no way to tell. Thank you.
Follow-up. Follow-up. Thank you, Chair. So very quickly in summarization, you would be in support of certification limitations around high-risk pregnancies and data collection as we go forward. So that would be a licensure for all midwives. Absolutely.
Sorry, through the chair. I have rooms. Through the chair to the representative. Yes, I would absolutely be supportive of licensing every nurse midwife or every midwife. I would like them to all be licensed under the same entity, which would be the nursing board. And I would like to have a requirement stay that transfer agreements be made because, again, I don't think it's appropriate for the ability to call the rescue squad, put the patient in the rescue squad, and say, I'm done. Thank you.
Representative Miller. Thank you, Chair, and thank you, Monica, and thank you, Dr. Bowman, for coming in for testimony. I have so many questions, which I realize we have a time limit today. I guess maybe overall my very first question would be, given Ohio's maternal care shortages, especially in rural areas, rural Ohio, what solutions would you propose or recommend if we're not expanding midwifery services?
there's definitely a lack of access to care right now yeah through the chair to the representative and dr Agbert you can jump into but we are supportive of licensing midwives to create better access in the state of Ohio So just want to make sure that that is clear We are supportive of that process We been engaged in that process throughout years We just want to make sure that it's done in the right way so that we can ensure patient safety. There is a lot of things that we could do to help with access in the state of Ohio, focusing on graduate medical education, which are training spots for residents in the state of Ohio. We are very fortunate to have seven different medical schools in Ohio. We're one of the top states for the amount of med students that we are pushing out, but we need more training slots for them. If they leave Ohio after they finish medical school to do their residency in another state, the chances of them coming back here are a lot less likely. So doing things like focusing on residency, focusing on loan forgiveness programs, not just for physicians but for nurses and everybody across the spectrum, We have them in the state of Ohio, where if you go practice in a rural area, you can get part of your student loans forgiven. But that can be built upon. We can make that a little bit more robust. But again, we are supportive of licensing the midwives to help with access through the state of Ohio. We just want to make sure there's some guardrails around it.
Follow-up? Do you want to go to one? I agree. Okay, very good.
Thank you, Chair. I will go ahead and follow up. So I guess, you know, I believe it was last week we had testimony of many of the midwives with the different levels of experience and training that shared their experiences. And we have many, many that are written on the record. Many of them shared they've never had a situation, as you mentioned, Monica, where they've lost a baby. And in many cases, they reported that if something, they are able to detect something early if something becomes a high-risk pregnancy and are making those alternate plans with a hospital, with a provider, and an OB is a part of that plan. I guess my biggest concern with some of the recommendations you have is that we do want women to have choices. And some women do not want a lot of medical intervention when delivering. They want to do things naturally. And so I really would urge us to try to protect that traditional midwife for those that do not want to be licensed, but for those that do want to be licensed, that we are able to provide that reimbursement for those that choose that for their type of care that they would like. So I appreciate your feedback and would like to continue to dialogue. I have a ton of questions, but we can do that off the record. Thank you.
Did you have any comment on that?
May I?
Go ahead, yeah.
Through the chair to the representative, I appreciate that too, and I very much do want my patients, all patients, to have choice. I think that's important. I think what concerns me is the thought that there is an easily identifiable low-risk pregnancy that couldn't potentially become a high-risk pregnancy very quickly. And one of them, I think we discussed earlier, is that vaginal birth after cesarean. They can be fine, 100% fine, until they're not. And when they're not, it's life-threatening and it is urgent. So, you know, I shudder at the thought of a breach attempt, of a twin attempt, of a VBAC attempt at home. because I can tell you that I've never lost a patient and never lost a baby, but I've had to do a lot of emergency cesarean sections, and I've saved moms and babies by being able to do that. And I think we need to recognize... I think one of the proponents' testimony said something about the way I avoid sending a train wreck to the hospital. The train wrecks are the ones that should not be delivering at home, and we need to protect them. They don't understand that they could be a train wreck. Thank you.
Thank you. Rep. Richardson, did you still have a question?
Thank you, Madam Chair. I had stepped out, and I apologize if this question was already asked, and I thank you both for your testimony. I raised this question in the last committee, but one of the concerns I think is that I've heard from physicians and those who are in hospital situations is all of a sudden, and I don't like this term, but I'll use it because you just referenced that these train wrecks show up in the hospital. and now the hospitalists are just trying to run around and fix or address a problem they really, you know, would have preferred to have seen prior to the emergency. First of all, has that been your experience? And then I guess second of all, if that is in fact true, what can be done? And do we have any data that would support this kind of experience?
Through the chair to the representative, I will just say I was in private practice, so I did not have a midwife group that I was supporting. I can tell you that when I was a resident, we definitely saw those train wrecks arrive at our emergency room door. And, you know, rare, but it happens. I can't give you absolute data because I don't know that we have the data. How do we know when somebody was laboring at home of their own accord without help and things went wrong and they called a squad themselves versus somebody who's been attended by a traditional midwife who called the squad and sent them on their way without being there to help them? So I know that that is not what they say they do, but I do know that it happens and has happened. I don't know the numbers, but one is too many.
Thank you. No follow-up.
Next, we've got two more questions, and then we need to move to the next witness. We have Representative Click, then Representative Bryant Bailey.
My question will be short because I think it's already been answered largely, but what I'm looking for is that documentation. And I would think that if there's reason to suspect that I would come from a midwife, and first of all, thank you for your thoughtful testimony. I'm just trying to be quick here because of time. Would that not be placed in a chart? Would there not be some sort of a documentation that this is a pregnancy gone wrong because of bad midwifery? Or do you have anecdotal experiences to say, yes, we've seen this as this is happening? I guess I want to see some validation that this is a problem.
Chairwoman White, to the representative.
I think, I mean, the bill includes adverse reporting data. We don't have it currently in the state of Ohio, which is why it's included in the bill. Because we don't license them, there is no entity that's saying, what does this look like? And to Dr. Egbert's point, if somebody comes in an ambulance, we don't know if they labored at home or if they actually had somebody there with them trying to assist them in a situation went wrong. So again, that's one of the really important aspects of the bill that we are supportive of is starting to collect that data so that we have an idea of what this looks like in the state of Ohio.
Follow up. Thanks. So I would think that the physician might ask them that and be able to document that, but you saying the physician doesn ask or they keep that a secret or what do you Yeah chairwoman to the representative yeah we not keeping any data secret in the state of Ohio No not you but the patients But there no requirement
They're definitely having the conversations when somebody arrives at a hospital, but there is no mandatory reporting requirement. So they talk about it, they document it in the patient's medical record, but we don't have any mandated reporting. And so there is not a database that houses all this. If you go into individual patients' medical records, you would be able to find that information. But the midwives that we have practicing in the state of Ohio don't have access to medical records because they don't have electronic medical records like we do in physician offices. And so that data is not captured from the midwives. And then when they get to the hospital, it's most likely just captured through the patient's medical records. So there's not a universe that you can pull it from. Yes.
Just would it be possible to have that put in the charts at the hospital to document so there is a checkbox, not just in the patient's data, but say yes, this complication arose due to midwifery? There is no checkbox.
Sorry. Through the chair to the representative, there is no magic checkbox in any of our electronic medical records that say that. It would be in the discussion about the patient's history on arrival. It's not something that data would be easily collected or attributable in a de-identified fashion. Okay.
Brian Bailey, did you have a question still?
Yes. I'll be quick. Thank you through the chair. Thank you all for your testimony. I'm having a hard time because a lot of what you are discussing as far as, and same with Representative Click, around what happens when they just show up, right? So we know that some of these birth centers have been prevented from opening or have been closed because of the transfer agreements. What we also know is that hospitals are refusing to sign these transfer agreements. If we have a transfer agreement, and you can correct me if I'm wrong here, right? But I'd love to hear from you, what could we make sure is put into these agreements so that we're getting some of this record and getting some of this information? Because right now, because hospitals are refusing to sign transfer agreements, you probably are getting people just sent to the hospital. And we don't want that, right? So I'd love to just hear from your expertise. Is there something that we can do within these transfer agreements that helps get the right level of information? And also, what, in your opinion, is stopping these hospitals from wanting to – if the purpose is we want to either save these babies or save these mothers, at the bare minimum, in my opinion, I would want to be able to get that patient and that baby over to the hospital. So why would we be stopping that at the bare minimum?
Yeah, before Dr. Egbert jumps in, Chairwoman White to the representative.
I think that is a larger conversation that we should have, including hospitals. We are not here to speak on behalf of hospitals. You're also, I think we're talking about transfer agreements, but we're also talking about adverse outcome reporting, which are similar, but obviously have different aspects included with them. So I think having a larger conversation with some of the proponents, with some of the individual physicians and the facilities is really important to actually hash out what that looks like. What we know from the provider side is physicians accept any arrival into a hospital. They're not allowed to turn anybody down. There are federal requirements around that. And so they accept transfer. They do the best they can to help mom and baby have successful outcomes But when you talking about the nitty of the transfer agreement language that probably a larger conversation we need to have with facilities in the room
Thank you very much.
All right, thanks for your testimony today, and we'll have more conversations, I'm sure. All right, next up we're going to have Dr. Amy Burkett, the American College of OBGYNs.
Good morning, and thank you for having me, Chair White. Vice Chair Salvo, Ranking Member, Lett, and esteemed members of the committee. My name is Dr. Amy Burkett. I'm an obstetrician-gynecologist currently working as both an OBGYN hospitalist, so I suspect you may bring some of your questions back to me that were asked to the previous members, which is absolutely fine, at an academic teaching hospital and seeing patients both in the office setting and the OBED emergency room at a large academic center. I lived in Ohio my entire life. I received my medical degree from the Northeastern Ohio Medical University, affectionately known as Neomed, and then did my residency right here in Columbus at the Ohio State University Medical Center before returning to Northeast Ohio. I am here today on behalf of the Ohio section of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, known as ACOG, which represents more than 1,500 OBGYNs across Ohio. and approximately 58,000 OBGYNs and women's healthcare professionals nationwide. I currently serve as ACOG's District 5 Chair Elect. ACOG is the leading organization dedicated to the improvement of women's health, establishing evidence-based standards of care. Our organization is generally supportive of licensing all midwives providing maternity care in the state. We are grateful for the sponsor's inclusion of provisions related to informed consent, transfer liability protections for receiving providers and facilities, adverse outcomes reporting, and pre-registrations of intended home births with nearby hospitals. Many aspects of this legislation are essential to improving birth outcomes for Ohio families. We would like to be supportive. However, we have concerns that led us to oppose the bill as currently written. I will briefly outline some of those concerns. To maintain the integrity of the health and safety components of a midwifery licensing program, home birth must be limited in statute to normal, low-risk pregnancy delivery, postpartum, and newborn care. We are particularly concerned that the bill would allow home births involving vaginal birth after cesarean, multiples, or brief presentation. These conditions are an absolute contradiction to planned home birth. Because of risk associated with trial of labor after cesarean delivery and unpredictability of uterine rupture and other complications, TOLAC should only be undertaken in facilities with trained staff and the ability to begin an emergency cesarean delivery. High-risk pregnancies necessitate they should be undertaken at facilities capable of performing emergency deliveries and neonatal resuscitation. ACON finds the language around pass to licensure in this bill to be confusing with different licensing standards, scope of practice and oversight structures to providers performing similar services. By regulating certified midwives to the Board of Nursing, licensed midwives to the Department of Commerce and allowing traditional midwives to practice without licensure, the bill creates inconsistent expectations for education collaboration and accountability It confusing to the patients which we generally try to avoid These discrepancies risk confusing and the qualifications floor important distinctions in training and clinical capability. The same point, gaps in requirements, such as a lack of uniform collaboration standards and the expansion of certain clinical authorities without clear defined guardrails, raise concerns about care coordination and patient safety, which should be paramount. As this committee has heard in prior testimony, Ohio continues to face challenges with maternal care deserts and infant mortality rates. While gaps in access do exist, bypassing established certification standards does not improve safety. It is essential that all providers caring for birthing persons meet consistent education and training standards. ACOG supports standards used by American Midwifery Certification Board, which credentials certified nurse midwives and certified midwives. We recognize and support a person's right to choose their provider in place of birth. As physician, ACOG wants to ensure patients are making informed choices about their health care. In addition, we want to ensure licensure of midwives in Ohio guarantees a high standard of education is met and the appropriate safety guardrails are in place to ensure the best outcome for women and their families. Thank you for your time.
I appreciate the opportunity to be here, and I'm happy to answer any questions you may have. Thank you, Dr. Burkett. Is there any questions for this witness? I think we've exhausted the others, and I do appreciate you coming in and outlining the difference.
I can particularly, Representative Glick specifically asked about the data collection around morbidity and mortality and how we collect that. As an OB-ED hospitalist, I am the person who gets the train wrecks that were described, and I will say that we do put that in the charts. I want to be specific about that. The problem is that we have a PAMR, a Pregnancy Associated Mortality Review, so that means that someone has to die to be reviewed at the state level. I work really hard to not have that happen. We do not have a morbidity review. So that would be an adverse outcome that doesn't get reviewed at the state level. So the hospital may review it, but that data doesn't get collected at the state level. So yes, that information is in the chart, but currently it doesn't get collected because we don't license it, right? So we don't collect that data like we do for the physicians right now. This bill with licensure would allow that. So we're not taking away the patient's ability to have the birth that they want and the place they want, but it does allow the collection of morbidity data to happen in a controlled fashion, if that makes sense.
Thank you very much. We'll have one question.
Representative Richardson. Thank you, Madam Chair. And just a quick follow-up. And, you know, you definitely were the person I should have asked my former question of, and I apologize to the previous witness. But I just want to, you know, reshape my question. Is it a legitimate concern that when you are in the ER working and someone comes in who has been, you know, a patient, a person who's giving birth in one of the most important experiences of their life, bringing life into the world, Is it a legitimate concern of the hospitals and the individual staffing there that they are bringing in an individual who had been worked on and that situation could have been prevented because they chose a home birth?
And I think it's very... appropriate because we're talking about high-risk situations that people are accepting at home. So really, back again, is it legitimate that a high-risk situation done at home could have to be then addressed? And how do you, as someone representing people who have to deal with these issues, what do you think about it?
So, yes, I have in my time as an OBED hospitalist dealt with complications that were made worse by the patient attempting or having a delivery that occurred at home,
particularly surrounding attempting a trial of labor at home that involved either a postpartum hemorrhage either related to the uterus not contracting down appropriately or the placenta being retained. I also have had instances where the patient was transported to my hospital and the newborn was transported to the local children's hospital because of complications related to the baby. So they were transported to two different locations, which leads to separation of mom and baby, which we absolutely want to avoid. Obviously, we like to keep them together. That's not a decision made by us, obviously, because we're not there. We've had people who have had, you know, their blood pressures inappropriately managed in the setting where we would have delivered them recommended delivery earlier, and they come in with liver or kidney dysfunction. We don't know how long that's been going on because until they got there, they did not have laboratory studies done. Unknown, like what we call group B strep status, which is done on all women at 36 weeks. They arrived to us having no idea how long their water has been broken, and then we don't have that status to give to the pediatricians for evaluation, and they're running a fever. So those things, yes, so those are all things that I could have managed differently had I had more data points.
Thank you. No further questions.
Thank you. And thank you for coming in. We're going to move on to the next witnesses, and we're just going to limit it to questions. If you haven't asked one yet, we'll start with the individuals for the next. So thank you, Dr. Birkin. Thank you, ma'am. I did want to say we probably are not going to get to the child care bills until after we recess and come back, so I do apologize. We are probably looking at the time is unknown at this point, but potentially up to 3 o'clock to reconvene. Okay. So I do apologize for that. If you would like to submit your testimonies as written into the record, we're going to move quickly. And I'm going to stay until we hear the rest of the witnesses on the midwifery bill. If other members need to leave, we will do that. But I do apologize. This has just taken a little bit longer on the first bill. and so we are slightly behind schedule. All right, next up we're going to have Jacqueline Fraley.
Chairman White, Vice Chair Salvo, Ranking Member Lett and Distinguished Members of this Committee. Excuse me really quickly, I'm so sorry.
I am more than happy also if you can't come back to meet with you individually, so please reach out to us and we will meet individually Thank you Thank you for the opportunity to provide testimony as an interested party on House Bill 537
My name is Jacqueline Fraley. I am a certified nurse midwife. I understand the types of midwives can be confusing. As a certified nurse midwife, I hold a Bachelor's of Science in Nursing from Kent State University and a Master's of Science from The Ohio State University. I have been a nurse since 1998. I have spent nearly two decades in the birth space and for the last 10 years as a practicing certified nurse midwife I have cared for women in hospitals in rural communities and in out-of-hospital settings I have spent the last nine years as a hospital-based midwife in southeast, Ohio I believe deeply in midwifery care and in a woman's right to choose where and how she gives birth I support community-based midwives. I support families who choose out-of-hospital birth I firmly believe that out-of-hospital birth can be a safe and appropriate option when practiced within clear and evidence-based safety standards. That is why I believe this bill is both important and long overdue. However, I am concerned that as written House Bill 537 does not go far enough to protect women and babies. Specifically, I strongly oppose to the exemption of licensure for traditional midwives who are not for a distinct religious community or indigenous group. When a woman chooses a midwife, she should be assured that her provider has met consistent standards of education, training, and clinical competency. Licensure is the mechanism that provides that assurance. It also provides something equally critical, accountability. When serious complications occur, and they do, there must be a system in place to review those outcomes, investigate causes, and implement corrective actions. Without licensure, there is no reliable way to ensure that preventable mistakes are examined, and we are allowing avoidable harm to go unaddressed. As Dr. Melissa Chaney, a respected midwifery researcher, stated in her proponent testimony in this bill, community births are safest when they are part of an integrated, regulated system with seamless transfer, appropriate risk assessment, and well-qualified providers. The question is not whether community birth occurs in Ohio, the question is whether it occurs within a regulated, integrated system that maximizes safety. In my current role, I have personally cared for patients transferred from community births with devastating outcomes, including cases involving permanent disability and loss of life. In all fatal cases, there was negligence in the care given by the community-based midwife. These included improper use of medications to induce labor, laboring a mouth presentation for days, attempted vaginal birth after two prior cesarean sections resulting in a uterine rupture, failure to recognize and act on signs of maternal infection. We had cases where both mother and baby were lost, and others were just the baby's died hours after birth. When these patients arrive at the hospital, the outcomes become part of the hospital record. The hospital is required to report, review, and implement corrective actions, but the community-based provider is not subject to any formal review, oversight, or accountability. This is a critical gap in our system, and it must be addressed. I want to emphasize, these experiences have not shaken my belief in midwifery or of out-of-hospital birth. Instead, they have reinforced my belief that we must have strong guardrails in place. The state has a responsibility to ensure that families can identify qualified providers, and unsafe practitioners cannot continue to operate unchecked. Under the current language of this bill a licensed midwife could have their license revoked for negligence and continue practicing the very next day as a traditional midwife without oversight and accountability this is unacceptable we would never accept this lack of oversight in any other area of health care We would never say that standards are optional when lives are at stake Licensure is not about restricting access. It's about ensuring safe, competent, and accountable care at one of the most vulnerable moments in a person's life. Midwifery care is essential in addressing health care gaps in Ohio. It is evidence-based. It has strong outcomes. but when practiced within appropriate systems. I respectfully urge this committee to strengthen House Bill 537 by requiring licensures of all individuals practicing midwifery in Ohio.
Thank you, and I can answer questions.
Representative Brownlee, thank you for your testimony. Through the chair, thank you for your testimony. And just to clarify further on what you and the previous witnesses have stated,
In terms of understanding mortality, we have some data, but morbidity not. So I just want to clarify the safety and health of babies. I personally am a twin. There's a concern about oxygen levels, right, during the birth. So a child could be born disabled, you know, deoxygenated, and have permanent brain damage for the rest of their life, and that would not be something that would be up for state review or any sort of licensure?
Correct.
In a hospital, you know, incidents where we have loss of life, serious mortality, there are certain things that are captured. But for that data, like long-term morbidity tracking, there is no mechanism in the state of Ohio, even for hospitals. Mortality is tracked, but not morbidity.
Okay. Any other questions for this witness? Thank you for coming in today. Thank you. Next up, we'll call Ms. Bambi Chapman.
Thank you for allowing me the opportunity to speak and share my experience. When I was pregnant with our fifth child in 2006, I chose midwife Brenda Newport, who had glowing accolades, was well-known in my community, and my first delivery with her went well. When I became pregnant again, Brenda was one of my first calls. In both pregnancies, I had zero prenatal testing, no lab work or ultrasounds, as Brenda didn't deem them necessary. The pregnancy went well until I was 30 weeks, and Brenda thought she heard two heartbeats. She sent me for an ultrasound that showed extra fluid, which Brenda said was fine. We were still a go for a home birth. At 36 weeks, three days, I went into labor. I expressed concern about being 36 weeks, but Brenda reassured me a home birth was still safe. I trusted my midwife. When I knew it was moving quickly, I called Brenda to come. Thirty minutes later, our midwife absent and delivery imminent, my husband called 911 and promptly delivered our daughter. Brenda arrived over an hour later, told the paramedics. Mary Beth was healthy and sent them away. We had concerns that we brought to Brenda's attention. We were concerned Mary Beth was not as active as our other babies after delivery. She was sleepy and refused to nurse. She had blue marks on her face and early signs of jaundice. Brenda reassured us this was normal. Mary Beth was tired from a long labor, and the blue coloring and jaundice appearance was from bruising. Brenda never checked her oxygen level. we trusted her and felt that these were plausible explanations we trusted her word that Mary Beth was healthy hours later while my husband held Mary Beth in the living room where she could get some light for her jaundice on Brenda recommendation He thought she stop breathing I touched her chest and nothing We called 911 and performed CPR until the paramedics arrived. When paramedics arrived, they took her from us and ran. Once at the hospital, doctors did all they could to revive Mary Beth to no avail. My daughter was gone. At the hospital, we were questioned by police and a medical examiner. In the days that followed, police contacted Brenda where she gave them a newborn exam declaring our baby healthy. Several things were falsified. She listed five and ten minute APGAR scores, but she did not arrive until almost an hour after Mary Beth was born, so Brenda could not have done them. She had the wrong wait, stated she was with us for three hours, but she was at our house far less than that. The newborn record stated that our daughter had nursed, but she never did. My husband and I had discussed everything with detectives. On the day of our daughter's funeral, Brenda was waiting on our front steps when we arrived from the graveside service, asking us to avoid any legal action. For a week, she would show up trying to smooth things over. She came to me in tears, begging me not to be angry with her. She relied upon our friendship and the love that we shared for one another. She begged us not to report her or continue to discuss our daughter's death because pursuing anything would destroy her reputation. When asked for prenatal records, Brenda provided a single page with only gestational age, blood pressure, and fundal height. You could see where she changed my weeks of gestation, written in to reflect that I was 37 weeks, but my due date on the records clearly showed I was 36 weeks, 4 days. At this time, Brenda's negligence became clear to us. The detective deemed my daughter's death a negligent homicide, but due to the illegal status of midwives told me they wouldn't go on a witch hunt to prosecute Brenda. My husband began contacting other midwives to see if there was a way to report Brenda or to take other steps to hold her accountable and prevent this from happening to another family. As we shared our story with others and online, the harassment from the home birth community began. We were told to not believe the coroner, as he only knew about death, not birth and life. Brenda kept pushing me to believe another reason for Mary Beth's death, but I had the death certificate stating the birth setting and lack of standard care was the cause. Mary Beth's death would have been prevented if I was guided by standard care practices and transferred to the hospital for delivery because I was less than 37 weeks. Over time, women came forward to me. I would learn Brenda had other deaths that occurred due to her lack of adhering to practice standards. Mary Beth was number eight. I am aware of infant deaths, others left with brain injuries and developmental delays, and mothers who had hospital admissions and surgeries due to birth complications in her care. What my husband and I did not realize is the lack of support we would receive from the home birth community. They all rallied behind Brenda, defended her, and left us to be shunned and bullied into silence whenever we tried to share her story. We had nowhere to turn as we learned there was no mechanism for accountability with the state. All public comments on social media and web pages were deleted or I was blocked. When I shared concerns about Brenda and I discussed my daughter's death. I was portrayed as a grieving mother out for revenge to feel better when I was trying to warn others so this couldn't happen again. I'm here today because I'm one of the few willing to speak out. I ask others, but they don't want to open their wounds and once again risk being bullied by the home birth community themselves. There is no oversight of home birth midwives and no way to prevent this happening again. This bill could change everything. My hope is my story forever. will show that all midwives in the state should be licensed. There should be clear accountability, investigation, and corrective methods in place for all midwives. There should be no exceptions. I can never get my daughter back. She should be here graduating high school and celebrating her 18th birthday. I hope sharing my story shows you there's a need to make sure there's oversight of home birth midwives. This accountability is something that can only be done through licensure and oversight at the state level. I beg you to amend to include all midwives, not just those who choose licensure and pass this bill. Please protect other mothers from having empty arms and missed birthdays in a life without their children. Thank you for your time.
Thank you, Ms. Chapman, for your bravery in sharing your story. Are there questions for this witness? Okay, thank you. Your story stands without question. All right, next up we will have Renee Yeager, who will be our final witness.
Chair White, Vice Chair Salvo, Ranking Member, sorry I'm crying now, and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify today. My name is Renee Yeager, and I'm a certified nurse midwife licensed in the state of Ohio. I received my Associates of Nursing from National Park Community College in Hot Springs, a Bachelor's of Nursing from Western Governors University, a Master's in Nursing Education from Western Governors University, a Master's in Nurse Midwifery from the University of Cincinnati, and a Doctorate in Nursing Practice from Frontier Nursing University. I became a registered nurse in 2010 and a certified nurse midwife in 2016. I have been providing midwifery care as a midwife since that time. I have practiced in settings from large academic medical centers, small community hospitals, and out-of-hospital birth settings. Most recently as chief midwife officer at Birth Partners, Inc., the parent company of Ohio Birth Center, a birth center which is ceasing services due to inability to obtain a transfer agreement, as is required for licensure of a birth center in the state of Ohio. This bill accomplishes three important objectives. First, it expands the scope of practice for certified nurse midwives to include newborn care, an essential component of our training that is currently not permitted in Ohio. Second, it creates a viable pathway to licensure for accredited freestanding birth centers, removing the current requirement for a hospital transfer agreement that often serves as a barrier rather than a safeguard, as hospitals are already required to take these patients because of the Federal Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act, IMTALA. Third, it establishes a licensure option for community midwives who are already providing home birth services in Ohio without formal oversight or regulation. While I strongly support the intent of this legislation, I do have significant concerns about one critical aspect. Licensure for community midwives is optional. I understand that this provision was designed in part to accommodate traditional midwives who may oppose mandatory licensure and to limit regulatory burden. However, I would respectfully suggest that this approach creates a gap in accountability that is inconsistent with the standards we expect across health care. We have to ask why there would be an objection to oversight and mandatory licensure and wonder if it is a desire to practice in a way that would not be allowed within the safety standards set forth or to avoid repercussions of bad outcomes for the care provided. There is no other area of health care where licensure is optional. We would not accept an unlicensed physician nurse or specialist providing care to our families Licensure exists to ensure that minimum educational and clinical standards are met and most importantly that the public can trust the qualifications of those providing their care While this bill includes requirements for informed consent, when care is provided by an unlicensed individual, informed consent, however, is only as reliable as the information being presented. Patients and families may not fully understand the implications of receiving care from someone who is unlicensed, particularly in a high-stakes situation such as childbirth. Additionally, under this bill, a midwife who loses their license, even for serious issues such as gross negligence, could resume practice immediately under the designation of a traditional midwife, with no requirement to disclose the reason for the loss of licensure. This presents a clear risk to patient safety and undermines the purpose of professional regulation. By way of comparison, I'm originally from Arkansas, a state that has licensed community midwives since 1983. Following the establishment of the certified professional midwife credential in 1994, licensure requirements were updated to reflect those national standards with a grandfathering in period for those midwives who had obtained licensure prior to a certain date. These midwives are overseen by the Department of Health and are subject to structured review processes, including periodic rule review, routine chart audits, and mandatory reporting of adverse events and the review of those events. Because licensure is required, Arkansas is able to collect and report meaningful data on outcomes. In 2023, there were 31 licensed midwives who cared for 464 women and attended 343 births. There were no maternal deaths reported, while six perinatal deaths were recorded. the state's reporting criteria is a little different and requires inclusion of all losses from 12 weeks of gestation through 30 days postpartum, so pre-viable losses are included in this data. This percentage of perinatal loss for licensed midwives is on par with state-level data for all pregnancies and births, showing that home birth can be safe. The key point is that this data exists and is transparent and available to the public because licensure and reporting are required. I do not present Arkansas as a perfect model, but as an example of how consistent licensure allows for both accountability and public confidence. It enables the state to evaluate safety, respond to concerns, and support providers in delivering high-quality care. Make no mistake, I support out-of-hospital birth options and the ability of women to choose where they give birth and with what provider. My support for mandatory licensure is not about punishment or exclusion. It is about establishing baseline standards, ensuring accountability, and creating a system where concerns can be addressed through education.
Thank you very much for your testimony. We probably are out of time for questions, but we can review. You left a few things out, and we'll read over that again. And I do appreciate it that you came in. So this is going to conclude the third hearing on House Bill 537. I do want to ask, if you don't mind, and again, I apologize. Things just took a bit longer than we expected. How many people are planning to come back and testify this afternoon? Could you raise your hands? Will you have some individuals too? Okay, all right. Kaylee will be sending out an updated notice as soon as we get the time frame, which should be somewhere between 2.30 and 3 o'clock that we would start. We will be in room 116. You'll see it on the notice. Again, I thank you for your patience, for everyone attending. Thank you for the people who came in and testified today. And seeing no further businesses, we're going to recess for now. Did you all have fun? And we will then begin testimony on 647 and then 649 We will allow five minutes testimony for each witness okay Since we back in a mode we not as rushed but we will have a five-minute limit and we will begin. So first to start off, 647. We need to take roll. No, we don't take roll. This is a new thing. We will first call up Karen Lampe with the Association of Child Care Providers of Ohio as interested party. Thank you, Karen. Thank you, Chairman White. Chairman, Vice Chair, Salvo, Ranking Member Lett, and members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to provide interested party testimony on the recently amended House Bill 647 that would limit backdating, otherwise known as backtaps, of child care attendance logs to only seven calendar days. My name is Karen Lampe. I'm owner and operator of CWCC Inc. My mother started our child care programs in 1975, over 50 years ago, and I've been running the business for about the last 30 years. We operate 10 early childhood programs in the Miami Valley area and five private schools pre-K through high school. I'm also here on behalf of the Ohio Association of Child Care Providers, representing more than 600 providers across the state of Ohio. Our members are committed to delivering safe, high-quality care and reliable services to families that depend on child care in order to work. OACCP's mission is to elevate the child care profession, ensure responsible stewardship of public resources, and work with policymakers to build a system that is accessible, accountable, and sustainable for Ohio communities. What I'd really like you to consider as you think about policy changes that impact the child care sector is we encourage you to keep one guiding question at the forefront. What problem are we solving for? And what does the proposed change meaningfully address without stressing an already very precarious system? The BIOS system already maintains very sound safeguards. It is one of the strongest and most sophisticated childcare fraud detection systems in the nation. The attendance and verification system includes parent identity verification of a pin, a photo capture of the adult, routine state reviews, surprise visits by DCY, and on-site monitoring. Providers support these safeguards and work diligently to maintain the integrity within the system. We believe that improvements to this system need to be made around detecting and minimizing fraud. It is tweaks to this already robust system, not an atom bomb to our low income families and fragile provider system that serve our state. Child care providers across our state are facing enormous challenges. We are the workforce behind the workforce, yet our industry continues to face significant and escalating challenges. funding instability with frequent shifts in public funding levels and changes in eligibility and timing to create difficult planning for providers. We swing the pendulum from one direction to the other on our funding stream. We have rising operational costs, but yet our fixed expenses just continue to go up and up. We have severe workforce shortages and we have fragile access in our underserved communities, Specifically many rural and low areas across the state are one closure away from having no access to child care at all I say this to reinforce something that is very important and that to say a seemingly really small insignificant change can have significant consequences for provider stability across the state and a huge impact for access for child care for low-income families. So first I want to thank the sponsors of this bill for the changes that they've made along the way. They have been listening and making changes and that is very much appreciative. However, there are concerns, especially regarding the proposed seven-day back tap limit, that I want to discuss. The amendment to 647 would reduce the allowable time frame for caregivers to complete missed attendance taps from the current 30 days down to only seven days. While providers support accountability and timely documentation, this change is not operationally feasible and would unintentionally harm families, providers, and the very system that we look to strengthen. Based on provider experience across Ohio, the reduction from 30 days to 7 is unworkable for these reasons. One, timely taps are already a challenge even with the 30 days. We are constantly tracking down families in order to get those taps. School-age programs specifically have a lot of logistical challenges as parents are not there necessarily at all the times when school-agers are coming and going. You have changes in schedules and field trips during the summer, et cetera. And then approved absences are often longer than seven-day periods, and so we need to have time for the parents to be able to come and back-tap for those time frames. Respectfully, what we're asking of this committee is to remove this provision of the seven days and think about something that is a more moderate adjustment that would, rather than the large adjustment down to seven days. Thank you for your consideration and for supporting Ohio's children and families. I'm available for any questions.
Vice Chair Salvo. Thank you, Chair, and thank you so much for your testimony. My question to you is if we then went back to that 30-day for back tap, are you comfortable where this bill is now? Are there things that could help the child care providers at this point? Any other recommendations for us?
I think there are some other things that could still use some work. I am still very concerned around making sure that as we investigate issues of attendance taps being accurate or not accurate, that we recognize that there are administrative challenges that are with that. And so, therefore, we don't automatically throw everything into a fraud or misuse definition. There's times when it's just an administrative mistake, and we need to recognize those times as well. I will say we do that within the CACFP food program in a way where when they come in and do an audit, which they do quite often, they will look at what underpayments there were against what overpayments there were. and then they only look to rectify the situation if there's a difference of more than $600. So there's not an automatic conclusion that if there is any adjustment whatsoever that it's a fraud or misuse. It is more an issue of sometimes there's going to be a little bit of challenges or a mismatch of when the parent taps in versus they stopped in the hallway and talked to somebody for 15 minutes before the child got to the classroom, et cetera.
Can I have a follow-up? Sure. Thank you, Chair. I've been speaking with some of my colleagues, and I think there's a difference across Ohio on size of child care providers. In my district, I've received feedback that the facial recognition on the child
might be helpful to mitigate the back tapping. Yeah.
Okay, I'm seeing from your face.
I am completely opposed, and I have that in my testimony for 649, around anything with doing facial recognition or photos of the children. There's a privacy issue there. I'm also not an expert in this area, but just in the research that I have done, it looks like that the technology is not solid enough in that area, and especially because children's facial structures grow and change so drastically. But honestly, as a provider, my biggest issue is more of just the logistical challenge of how are you getting that picture of that child at a time. Transitions are really hard for kids. That's a really difficult moment. And we're going to see huge increases in challenges at drop-off and pickup time because of that. And so that's my concern around that. I think taking the picture of the parent is sufficient.
Okay, thank you. Through the chair, thank you.
Thank you for your testimony.
With after-school care or school-age kids, can you just walk us through the process? Because kids are often just dropped off on a bus from school. So you clearly already have methodology in place to manage this.
Correct. Chair White, Representative Brownlee, to answer your question, right now the system allows the state automatically takes their time for the school day out of the system. And so the parent only has to tap in in the morning and out in the afternoon. And then the hours for school is automatically taken out of the system. However, the challenge more becomes once they're, especially an older school-ager, a lot of time the parent isn't necessarily hand-holding them in and out of the building. A lot of times they'll get rides with other families or they have activities after school, et cetera, that create a lot more challenges. Or they pick them up from the playground or they pick them up from the field trip. And so there's challenges with how are you going to be able to get those back taps? And that's where it's really important to be able to have that time frame for the parents to be able to get those in. I don't think it's the intent of this bill for providers not to get paid for work they're actually doing when they're caring for the kids. And my concern is with this seven days, that's what we're going to see, is providers that are providing services and not getting paid for it. And this industry isn't too precarious of a situation in order for us to do that.
Thank you. I think, thank you, Ms. Lampe, for coming in. I did want to ask, can you just walk us through, I think just so we all understand, with the school age, you're only tapping in, you're not tapping out. Or are you tapping out as a student as well?
They're tapping in and tapping out.
Okay. Yes All right In terms of the back taps and the reality of that right now what percentage of parents are you chasing down I mean are parents not coming in Practically speaking are they not coming in when they drop their child off
No, they are. But here's the reality of a drop off and pick up. Mom is late for work. She's got three kids. One kid is screaming. Another kid's having a meltdown. there's somebody else that's standing at the tap machine, right? So she takes the kids to the classroom, she comes out, there's somebody else standing at the tap machine, she's got to get to work, she's gone, right? That's the challenge.
And if we're creating a system, you know, to go back to your question, Representative Salvo,
we're now taking a picture of the child, so I'm picking the child up to get their picture and putting them down and picking up another child. We've just added that much time onto that. You're going to have a backlog of people standing at your tap machine. And, you know, it's impossible for us to have somebody standing at the entrance saying, you can't leave yet until you tap. You can't leave yet until you tap. And so that's where it becomes a challenge.
Okay. And then just to add on, thank you for that answer. If, in fact, you had a shorter time window, but the ability, I guess I'm trying to think,
practically speaking, how many are actually more than seven days that it takes you. And if you had the ability to have a PIN number where you were logging in on a limited basis, what would that look like? So, Chairman White, we actually have a system now to where we can put in the time either for the tap in or the tap out. And the parent has to approve that. So, actually, the way the system is set up right now works for what we need it to do. The parent is approving the time. And we can't put in both the in and out. we can only put in one. And even with that, we still have to track down parents at times. You know, there are days when the parent isn't able to drop off or pick up. Somebody else does that. Grandma does that. Lord knows if I tried to ask my mother to tap in on the system, it would be a disaster. She can, you know, barely turn the TV on. So, you know, hopefully she's not watching and just heard that. But, you know, so it's one of those things that it's important to be able to have that because the realities that we live in are not perfection.
And so we just need time, and especially for moms that are busy, they're working, they're trying to get their kids and do all the right things,
trying to expect perfection from them on that tap in and tap out is really not reasonable.
Okay, and just to drill down, what percentage of people actually does it take you
more than seven days or more than 14 days to get a hold of? I don't know that I could give you an exact percentage, but what I can tell you is that it's not a small number. It is every day. I've hired somebody at my company, and I have multiple sites, but I have somebody at my company that's her only job is every day, all day, tracking down parents to get those taps so that we get paid. And if this bill was enacted with the seven days, I'm probably going to have to hire at least two more people to do that. And financially, we can't afford to do that.
All right, thank you very much. Thank you. We'll call the next witness up, and that is going to be Leslie Doria. Did I pronounce that right? With the Ohio Alliance of YMCAs. Interested part.
Chair White, Vice Chair Salvo, Ranking Member Lett, and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify on House Bill 647. My name is Leslie Doria and I the Vice President of Child Care of the YMCA of Greater Toledo and I am here on behalf of the Ohio Alliance of YMCAs The Ohio Alliance of YMCAs is a nonprofit organization that represents Ohio Ys Ohio YMCAs are in 164 communities around the state and serve 1.9 Ohioans, 1.9 million Ohioans, both children and adults. Ohio YMCAs are the largest child care provider in Ohio, providing care for over 250,000 children each year. At the YMCA of Greater Toledo, we serve around 2,900 children annually across our 22 locations. The Ohio Ys are grateful to the bill sponsors and the committee for the amendments that have already been made to improve House Bill 649. However, we would like to share new concerns regarding the bill's inclusion of a seven-day limit on back taps. This change, while intended to create accountability and transparency, would cause unintended harm. Ohio Child Care Attendance and Verification System is regarded as one of the most robust in the country, using parent identification via pen, photo capture, and ongoing state review. Any change to statute would be guided by demonstrated need and carefully tailored to protect both children and the providers who serve them. The amendment to House Bill 647 includes language that would limit back taps to seven calendar days. Currently, YMCAs have 30 days and must obtain caregiver approval. While we support transparency, accountability, and timely documentation, this change presents significant operational barriers for both families and providers. Even under the current four-week allowance, providers must work diligently to ensure families complete taps. For example, in more instances than convenience, the tablets a center must use for taps have technical difficulties. Often the tablets give error messages, such as they're out of storage, or they stop functioning altogether and must be rebooted. While the center is trying to troubleshoot, parents are rushing to get to work and must leave before tapping their children in. Additionally, large facilities only get one tablet for every 50 kids authorized. At busy pick-up and drop-off times, centers have a line for the tablets. Rushing parents do not wait, and they do not tap. Reducing the back window to seven days would require WISE to create very strict policies around attendance in order to stay afloat financially. Those policies would result in many publicly funded families not being able to receive care for their children. Many school age programs change locations to accommodate planned school days off or weather related school cancellations. When a family misses tapping, especially on an off day or near the end of the week, that family will not return to that location within the seven-day window, making compliance impossible. Additionally, many school-age child care programs operate in school buildings, and at parent pickup, this sometimes often happens on the playground. Wives do not carry the tap system outside of the playground for various reasons, and thus a parent does not tap out their child. The wives then must track down the parent for almost every day their child was playing outside for the next drop-off, when parents are in a hurry to get home from work. For many families parents share custody of their children An increasingly common occurrence is that a child is out of the center one week because the child is with one parent but then not at the center the second week because the child is with the second parent If a parent misses a tap towards the end of week one and that child is not back at the center until week three, a center cannot correct a missed tap if a back taps were allowed in only a seven-day window. Lastly, at Y's, families routinely take vacations or extended weekends. In those instances, children often are out of care for more than seven calendar days. Thus, when a parent misses a tap in week one, the family is gone during week two, and a Y would not be permitted to secure that back tap from the family returning in week three. Thank you for your time, and I'm happy to answer any questions that you may have.
Thank you very much for coming in, Ms. Doriott. Is there any questions for this witness?
Vice Chair Salvo. Thank you, Chair, and thank you for your testimony. And I'm going to ask you the same question I did the last person. Short of the amount of time, are you happy with 647?
I think there's still, sorry, Representative White and Representative, I think there's still some work we could do together on that, and we would really like to see that window stay open to the four-week window.
Okay. Thank you.
Just to follow up quickly before we move to Rep. Brownlee, so what other areas of the bill did you want changed besides the back-tapping?
Representative White, at this time we don't see any other areas So we'd like really were here today to talk about that back tap window and allowing the four weeks to stay. Thanks very much.
Okay.
Representative Brownlee. Through the chair, thank you. Thank you for your testimony. With the number of, I don't mean to get too into the details, but with the number of tap or tablets that you have, does this make the burden much harder on larger child care centers?
Rep. White and Representative Brownlee, yes. So especially for a center, maybe they only have 45 children enrolled that are on public funds. So you are literally one tablet that we're given by the state to do these taps at a period of time. So especially at some of our facilities, you know, there's a heavy drop off in the morning timeline and then a heavy afternoon timeline. You know, a lot of families work kind of similar hours. So you're fighting for that slot at the tablet to kind of get your taps done. So I do think that that plays in where parents are like, oh, there's five people waiting. I'm going to maybe do it tomorrow. And then something else happens and you kind of create a snowball effect.
Follow up, please. Through the chair. So what does the timeline look like to tap your kid in in the morning or in the afternoon at the rush times?
Rep White and Rep Brownlee. I think that all depends. How many kids do you have in our program? Are you completing any back taps from a previous day? Just a ballpark. A couple minutes per kid, usually, to do that. And if you're, as most of us working moms, sometimes in the morning hours you're really stretching the clock there to get your kid. Or maybe they're just getting their kid to us right before they're getting on the bus to go to one of our other locations. So it's kind of a time crunch there. So it all depends, too, on making sure the tablet's working at that period of time, nothing else is going on. So a couple minutes at least per kid to do that. But could it take up to 5-10 minutes? For sure, depending on how much they're doing, especially if they're entering maybe a week of time that they have to do, things like that.
Thank you. Okay, and just one follow-up to what her line of questioning was. So what's the process actually then if a parent doesn't tap in, what is your staff doing within that same day, and how are they comparing who was there and who needs entered into the TAP system?
Representative White, I don't feel that we're probably doing it day to day because we're doing so much other things. You know, most directors are wearing lots of different hats. So, you know, our goal to parents is always to tap daily. And that is what we tell them on a regular basis. That is all communication we send out to them is to tap in the morning and to tap every day. But that's not reality. So it's actually a process where we have to go back then and look at our classroom rosters for the week to make sure that we, you know, and kind of then look into the state system and kind of go through all of those and do an audit to make sure that we've captured everything. So then if we haven't captured those items, exactly what she talked about, we're allowed to do those pending transactions, which I feel like that happens a lot more with school-agers, where a parent would then still have to, we're still going to have to communicate to them to say, hey, you have pending transactions that need approval. And then we, on our side, spend a large portion of time, we have about 350 students currently within my organization that are on public funds. So I honestly have a dedicated full-time staff employee who spends almost every Sunday going through the last week of rosters than to put out an audit to our directors at the center level, and they're then communicating with families via our mass communication system, in person, sending emails, tracking them down, calling people, please come in on your lunch break. It takes a lot of work on a center director, too, than to communicate to every single parent. And sometimes we have to help them. Like, remember, you need to do an out time at this time on this date. And whenever you go back, it's a little bit more complicated in the system to enter back times. So a parent, sometimes we need to help provide them with that information, you know, or show them the roster. This is what time, you know, you left that day. Can you please enter that?
Clarification. I appreciate the clarification. All right. I think we are concluded with questions for you. Thanks for coming in. I do want to point out Tammy Lunan, who had planned to be here, had to leave, so she is not here. We do have two written testimonies. Shayla Favor, the Franklin County prosecutor, and then Dr. Jasmine Moses are in writing on this bill. Does anyone else want to testify today on 647? All right, so this is going to conclude the sixth hearing on House Bill 647. And with that, we will call up House Bill 649 for Interested Party and Opponent Testimony. So right now we will have Commissioner Erica Crawley, if she's able to attend. Oh, there you are. Good to see you again. Former State Representative and Franklin County Commissioner. Good afternoon.
Good afternoon, Chair White, Vice Chair Salvo, Reckoning Member Lett, and members of the House Children and Human Services Committee. Thank you for the opportunity to testify In opposition of House Bill 649 as Chair White said my name is Erica Crawley I currently serve as one of the Franklin County Commissioners House Bill 649 proposes burdensome regulations that create severe unintended consequences for Ohio's working families, children, and small business childcare providers. Franklin County has made significant investments to increase the availability of affordable childcare, and I am concerned that this legislation would undermine those efforts by entangling providers and families in unnecessary red tape. Additionally, Franklin County takes any allegations of fraud or the misuse of public funds very seriously. For example, as you all may have heard last week when Prosecutor Favor testified, Franklin County Department of Job and Family Services collaborates with the Ohio Investigative Unit this past year to identify scammers who stole an estimated $600,000 in benefits, and her office has successfully pursued cases of fraud related to American Rescue Plan dollars. Regardless of whether funds originate at the federal, state, or local level, we are committed to protecting taxpayer dollars. While we prioritize integrity, it is vital to set the record straight regarding the county's role in overseeing child care centers. And I know last week, one of the representatives asked prosecutor favors specifically about county commissioners interfering with investigations to childcare providers. And I wanna say that Franklin County and our JFS office have long been productive partners with the Department of Children and Youth. However, our mandates are distinct. Despite assertions made before this committee, the Franklin County Board of Commissioners and its agencies have no role in investigating centers, nor have we interfered with any such investigations. Quite simply, we do not have the statutory authority to do so. County JFS offices assist in determining eligibility for publicly funded child care for families in need and conduct inspections of at-home providers. County JFS offices conduct twice-yearly inspections of these home-based programs, at least one of which is unannounced. The state, however, is responsible for inspections and oversight of child care centers, and the authority to revoke licenses or closed centers or home-based programs rests solely with DCY. Our JFS office proactively alerts state partners when irregularities appear in the course of determining eligibility or while conducting an inspection for a home provider. But I must reiterate, the state is responsible for investigating potential fraud in these centers, not County JFS, not the Board of Commissioners, and certainly not Internet personalities who have recently attempted to film inside daycare centers in our community. Furthermore, we must consider the climate of fear these regulations create for our local entrepreneurs. Most child care providers are small businesses owned by women and people of color who are already struggling with historic staffing shortages and rising operational costs. By imposing invasive surveillance and administrative hurdles, House Bill 649 signals to these providers that the state views them with suspicion rather than as an essential partner. If these small businesses are forced to close or opt out of the public system to avoid these mandates, the result will be a child care desert that prevents parents from returning to the workforce ultimately stifling Ohio economic growth The child care system in Ohio is at an inflection point The need has never been greater nor has the cost Franklin County is doing its part to ensure affordability by investing more than $43 million in ARPA funds over the past four years in Franklin County Rise Child Care Initiative, providing scholarships for families, incentives for licensed providers, and rental support for workers. We are also demolishing our vacant downtown jail with plans to construct a new early learning center to support the downtown workforce. I care deeply about making childcare safe, affordable, and available while remaining a vigilant steward of taxpayer resources. However, House Bill 649 is a solution in search of a problem that risks the privacy of children and the stability of our providers. I urge the committee to vote no on this legislation. Thank you again for the opportunity to be before you, and I'm happy to answer any questions that you all may have.
Thank you, Commissioner Crawley.
Ranking Member Lutt, you had a question. Thank you, Chairwoman. Thank you so much, Commissioner, for coming in and sharing your testimony today. I think one of the great things about Franklin County is the Franklin County RISE program, so I just wanted to know if you could talk to us a little bit about Franklin County RISE and maybe give us some ideas for ways that we could utilize that program to bolster our efforts at the state level. Thank you.
Absolutely. Through Chair White to Representative Lett, thank you so much for the question. We are very proud of Franklin County Rise Child Care Initiative. It was an initiative that started, I launched with Job and Family Services in 2022. We started on in 2021, but it actually launched in 2022 to stabilize child care and understanding that during the pandemic, more than 150 child care providers in Franklin County closed. We had a number of people leave the workforce, whether they worked in a child care center or they were a parent trying to go to work because they no longer had child care. So we invested in making sure that people had accessibility. So if you make 145% to 300% of the poverty level, you can get up to $9,000 to offset costs. And those are for families that are on the benefits cliff. So they make a little too much money to qualify for publicly funded child care, but really not enough to avoid making hard decisions between keeping a roof over their head, water running, lights on, and so forth. The second part of Franklin County Rides Child Care Initiative was supporting providers to keep their doors open. We know that about 60% of providers say that they don't know if they'll be able to keep their doors open for six months to a year because the margins are so thin. And so if you took publicly funded child care through the pandemic, we said thank you. If you were open, non-traditional hours to help our frontline workers and now families that work non-traditional hours, we said thank you and provided an incentive. If you were working on your quality rating standards, it used to be star rating, now it's gold, silver, and bronze, you were able to receive an incentive. And then the third part of Franklin County RISE was helping our teachers. We know on average teachers only make about $13.44 an hour. And so we provided funding for rent and utility assistance for teachers. We know a number of our teachers come through our Job and Family Service Center. They're eligible for benefits themselves. And they find themselves teachers who are taking care of our most precious residents are struggling themselves to keep their roof over their head lights running and food on the table And so that is Franklin County RISE. We have stabilized child care, and now we are to the point where we're still trying to make sure that access is important for families and they have that. Quality is still at the top of the list, but also that our teachers who are not making living wages can make ends meet themselves.
Thank you, Chairwoman.
Quick follow-up, I just wanted to ask you, if House Bill 649 went into place today, do you feel, based off of your expertise and dedication to this industry, that there would be child care facilities that would close due to the regulations in this bill?
Thank you for that question. Through the chair to the representative, I think it creates a slippery slope. When we think about the requirements of this legislation, if a provider chooses to opt out, then they could be forfeiting publicly funded child care. and therefore, you know, when it comes to serving families, they won't be able to serve those families that receive publicly funded child care, and so families will have to look elsewhere. I think the other thing that we take into consideration when it comes to this bill, when it comes to surveillance and having to require cameras and then store the data for a number of months, I think the cost of that, child care centers have to bear that burden. There is no allocation or appropriation in this bill that helps child care centers with that, whether it's acquiring the cameras, whether it is with IT software or anything like that. And so those costs then will probably go down to the parents and, you know, they're just shifting the costs to families who are already struggling to probably pay for child care. So I think those are some of the things that we think about when we are looking at this legislation. I think the other thing that we take into consideration is in the bill, it talks about like data points and child care, not child care, but counties keeping record of the data points. And I know the sub bill earlier kind of clarified what data points are, which are photographs. I think there is no clarification on the county what our responsibility is for that and taking pictures of children. I would strongly be against taking pictures of children and holding that information. I think, as someone said earlier, it gets in the way of privacy. And so I think when we have these unfunded mandates, providers have to look at the cost that they are incurring, but also how does that impact the families that they're trying to serve and provide services for?
Thank you. Representative Click. Thank you, Chairman, and thank you, Commissioner Crawley, for being here today. And I apologize, I did not catch all of your testimony. I'm bouncing back and forth between two committees today. You talk in your testimony, though, about a climate of fear. When I'm back home, I have a lot of people complaining about a climate of fraud. and I'm going back to my constituents and my people and they're saying, what are you doing about this? What are you doing about this? And as a matter of fact, sometimes they say you're doing nothing about this and I say, well, we've got house politicians 647 and hospital 649. So I guess what I would, and I understand, and I'm supportive of childcare. My wife's been in childcare for over 30 years. She's been a director of a childcare center for 20. And so we wanted, I feel like we're trying to thread a needle. We want to make sure that our families are taken care of and our children are taken care of, but we also want to make sure that there's no fraud. And I think there's good reason to believe that there has been some fraud. I don't know if it's to the extent or level that some people say it is, but there certainly has been some fraud. So would you concede that there has been some fraud, number one? Number two, is there anything in these bills, because I agree that there needs to be some changes. We've talked to people that think there needs to be changes. Is there any condition or any changes in these bills that would make these bills acceptable to you and move you to either an interested party or a supporter?
Thank you for the question. Through the chair to Representative Click. So as it relates to fraud, I cannot say that there has been or hasn't been any fraud. We know that, for instance, that there have been overpayments to providers in Franklin County, but there has not been any case sent to our Job and Family Services or to the prosecutor's office that has been investigated where we had to, or where the prosecutor's office had to look into. And prosecutor Faber spoke to that last week. We know, as the dispatch reported, that there have been a number of, I think, six child care centers in Franklin County, and I can only speak for Franklin County, that were reported for overpayments. And DCY has made those child care centers aware of the overpayments, what needed to be paid back, as well as amendments to what they originally said was owed to what finally came out that was actually owed. So for the Board of Commissioners, there has not been anything that has come to our offices that's alleged fraud. There have been overpayments that have been made, and DCY has looked into that. To your point about fraud in general, I think we are 100% aligned on stopping any kind of fraud that there is, whether it was for SNAP benefits, as I spoke to earlier, whether it's American Rescue Plan dollars that the Franklin County Prosecutor's Office has went after to recover. But I think when we look at job and family services, our agency, we have a proven record of working with our state agencies to stop any fraud. You might not have been here when I talked in my testimony about anything that we have deemed to be questionable as far as it relates to in-home centers that is under our purview for job and family services. we have referred all of that to DCY, and then they take the investigation from there. And we continue to work really closely, have a really good relationship with those at DCY.
Follow-up. Have any of your conversations with DCY indicated that they believe there's been some fraud in Franklin County?
Thank you for the question. Through the Chair White to Representative Click, From my understanding talking to my W County administrator that over job and family services Specifically DCY has not used that phrase that there has been fraud related to any child care centers in Franklin County There has been comments that ended up showing up in the dispatch that there have been overpayments, but there has not been a list of any child care centers provided to Franklin County that is alleged to have or be suspected a fraud.
Let's follow up if I can. And so I agree with you about the cameras and the videos and things like that, and I think that needs to be certainly revised and looked at. I think there's not a broad amount of support for that staying in the bill. what would it take to make you, because I believe you, we're just trying to work through this as a community, as a state. What would it take for you to support this legislation? If we remove the cameras, does that make you a supporter? If there are other changes that would bring you on board with this legislation so that we can work together to make sure that there is no fraud in our childcare services here in Franklin County or in all of Ohio, but that our children are also being cared for and the parents' needs are being met as well.
Absolutely. Thank you for the question through Chair White to the representative. I think there is a number of issues, not just in this bill, we would oppose 647 as well, that would need to change video surveillance. I think that if there is going to be a requirement for that, I think there should be an appropriation so child care centers don't have to bear the burden. And I would also lean on the expertise of child care providers who are dealing with attendance and attendance records every day for the changes that need to be made there. I think there's also a change as it relates to, well, I would say 647, but also 649, as it relates to children whose families need authorization, or maybe what we consider like a dual authorization for families that work non-traditional hours and removing that authorization from county JFS to DCY and making it harder for families who might need multiple child care providers to care for their children because they might have work, school, or I use, for instance, a family that might work or a parent that might work at Honda and has mandatory time or a mandatory shift that they have to take for overtime, and they would need care on the weekends, I think that will be a problem for some families. So I think there are a couple of things that should be changed that we can talk about that would probably move me from a, or move us from a no to interested party. But it's not just, it wouldn't just be the video and surveillance.
One more. Thank you, Chair, for your indulgence. So have you, or would you be willing to speak with any of the sponsors of this legislation to work collaboratively to say, okay, if we can do this, this, and this, then we can make this move and get this on track. Have you had that opportunity or if not, would you be willing to take that opportunity?
Thank you, through the chair to the representative. I am open absolutely with my government affairs director as well as some of our child care providers have an opportunity will welcome an opportunity to talk to the sponsors of the bill for both 647 as well as 649 to talk about the changes that we would like to see, how county JFS would be held responsible, how we make determinations, how we can support our child care providers, protecting families, as well as making sure that obviously there's accountability if there is suspected fraud. But I also would say to that, that when we have a conversation about the changes, it is important to think about at the end of the day, we already have a child care system in place that detects, has a reporting structure for suspected fraud, for investigations. And we know in Franklin County or in the state of Ohio that fraud is not widespread. We have a system that has already, that works, that holds those accountable. And so I caution, you know, having bills that really are in search of problems that don't exist, or that we're trying to put structures in place when we already have a system that works, that works really well. We're one of the best states in the country as it relates to reporting, investigation, and holding those accountable without trying to create more bureaucracy or making our child care centers take on more expenses and rent tape that ultimately doesn't do anything to help our families have more access.
Thank you, Chair.
Okay, and Rep. Brewer, you'll have the last question for this witness. Thank you, Madam Chair. Thank you for your testimony. and as we talk about the emphasis of this bill, you say we already have things in place. And as we talk about talk to the sponsors and everything else, wouldn't a more general conversation be an overall look at the whole childcare system, attendance versus enrollment, tap backs versus what you already have in place, how it can be there? And I know you said this seems like a bill looking for a problem, a solution. So should we maybe roll this conversation
how we can not overhaul the system, but look at ways to improve the system. Thank you very much,
Madam Chair. Thank you. Through the chair to Rep Brewer, what I would say is we should be having a conversation about child care in general and how we are supporting families to make sure that they have access to high quality, affordable child care. We should be having conversations about how do we make sure that providers can keep their doors open and expand access to families, as well as making sure that we pay teachers a living wage, we can have a conversation. I've been, prior to me being a county commissioner, was here in the legislature working on child care, working on access, working on eligibility, and we really have not moved the needle. So I think we should be asking questions about how do we make sure that more families have access to high-quality, affordable child care? How do we support our providers? Who are the workforce behind the workforce? This isn't a fraud issue. This isn't an education issue. This is an economic infrastructure issue. We know that at the end of the day, our economy would crumble if we had child care providers continue to close We have child care deserts We know that on average Ohio ranks in the bottom of the list as it relates to eligibility as it relates to supporting three- and four-year-olds, as far as them being kindergarten ready. We can have a robust conversation, which we should be having at the legislative level, as well as the local level on how we can partner together and making sure that we are supporting families and providers and teachers. So that is a conversation that I absolutely would welcome. As I said earlier to Representative Click, if there is fraud that happens, we have structures in place to investigate that and report that. But I think the bigger conversation is, how do we make sure that more families have access and providers are supported?
All right, thank you very much for your testimony.
Thank you for having me.
And I did want to point out, as far as the expense for the child care providers, both bills would be about the department spending money, not the individual child care providers. So in terms of Commissioner Crowley's point about the cost to the local provider, this would just be enabling technology through the iPads they already have. And that was kind of clarified in one of the bills. Rep. Williams' bill, I think, was initially sounded a lot more comprehensive. All right. Thank you very much. Next up, we will call. Now, I do want to point out Shayla Favre, it appears from the Franklin County Prosecutor's Office, who was here last week, was not able to return. But she has written testimony, again, reiterating the points about the local control versus state. And you can read that on your iPads. Next is Marquita McClendon with the CEO Project.
Hello, everyone. Chairperson White, Vice Chair Savo, and Ranking Member-led members of the committee. My name is Marquita McClendon. I am a child care owner of over 20 years operating multiple programs in the Cincinnati and Hamilton County area. I am also an early childhood educator and a taxpayer who has dedicated half my life in building and sustaining child care in my community. I want to speak specifically to the recent amendments to House Bill 649. While I understand the intent to address accountability, the changes being proposed are still not realistic for how child care actually operates on the ground. First, regarding attendance backdating. The proposal limit of seven days is not aligned with the current system right now. Through KinderConnect, providers can back swipe for three weeks to correct, I'm sorry, four weeks to correct attendance. That is the reality of how the system functions today. And counties are processing applications in a timely manner, then a four-week window to 30-day window for corrections is reasonable and necessary. Anything less will result in payment errors, not fraud, but system-driven mistakes that providers will make and be penalized for. Second, I want to address the shift to biometric data collection every six months. This is not realistic when you're dealing with children, especially infants and toddlers. A child infancy to three months, six months to 12 months, and 18 months can look entirely different. Their facial features change rapidly, their hair changes, their weight changes. As a mother of all girls, I can tell you, simply changing a hairstyle can make a child look completely different. If I pull my daughter's hair back, straight, she could be mistaken for a child, a different child completely. So now we are relying on data points to verify identity, but what happens when a child wants it still? The system glitches, the image doesn't match due to normal development. That is not fraud. That is a system error waiting to happen. Thirdly, let's talk about absent days. When the Once they changed the authorization hours from full time to part time, 25 hours to 33 hours, the absent day structure was never updated to match. Right now, providers receive 20 absent days biannually. 52 weeks in a year, 40 absent days yearly equals .8 average a week. That's not even one. One absent day only covers eight hours, while many children are approved for a 10 hour care day schedule. That means providers are forced to use more absent days than allotted just to cover what should be a standard day. And one equals 10 hours, then one absent day should also equal 10 hours. Next is families relying on a second approved provider for stability. Life happens, parents work multiple jobs, have changing schedules, or faces emergencies. There are also programs that are not open during traditional hours six to six. So if the second provider gives them a backup option so they continue working without interruption. If that second provider is removed, parents will lose flexibility, children will experience more disruptions in care, providers will lose enrollment stability, and ultimately families will fall out of the workforce. Finally, childcare providers are already operating under strict oversight from DCY, adding more rigorous systems, more tracking, and more administrative burden is not solving the issue. The real issue is stability. We have providers right now who still have not got paid. I personally have a program that has not got paid for last week. This is not fraud. This is a system that is not functioning properly. So the concern is not just policy, it's capacity. Do we even have the manpower to infrastructure and the accuracy in place to support the bill that we're asking for? Because right now, it seems not realistic. It seems like pressure is being placed on a system that is already struggling. If enrollment over attendance base were implemented and followed as intended, we would have stability, less discrepancy, and fewer of the issues that this bill is trying to solve. In closing, I ask this committee consider the approach to oppose this bill. The solution is not restrictions and more systems, it's alignment, accuracy and investment in a stable care economy. Thank you so much for your time and I'll be more than happy to answer any questions.
Thank you very much, Ms. McClendon. Are there questions for the witness? Okay, we've got Representative Brewer and then Representative Brian Bailey.
Thank you, Madam Chair, thank you for your testimony. thank you for your service as well. It kind of goes back to the last question that Jas asked once before to the commissioner. As she talked about expanding childcare, how we should be talking about it. Do you think with the passage of these bills and the way they're written now, even with the amendments that we talk about, do you think this would encourage parents to now seek out childcare? Or will this hurt not just parents, but also childcare center owners as well as some of these implementations And so will we be losing childcare or will be gaining childcare Thank you very much Madam Chair Thank you so much for that question Representative Brewer
The current, well, I'm in Hamilton County, so I'm speaking for Hamilton County, okay? The current policies that are structured right now, if the bill was to go into place, let's just look at the backswipes just for example, seven days. To answer your question, Chair Wright, the times of when we will back swipe is when the county takes too long to submit for approval. Okay, so let's do an example. A parent goes to the county on the first submitted application. Presumptive eligibility allows their parent to come into my program to start care, okay? And so maybe the county is three weeks behind. So if that seven-day window was there, that parent now has to get approval from DCY, the way that it's set up, to get approved for those three weeks that she's been in my care. The way, I didn't get paid this week. So for me to rely on a system that's already behind on the regular pay source, that's not, that's not, it's not a way. You know what I'm saying? so it's like that system that's already in place needs to be tweaked better. This new system putting in place, it'll mess up everything, and yes, to answer your question, it will bring a lot of child care deserts.
Rep. Brewer, did you have another question? Okay, let me just clarify a few things if I may, Ms. Clinton. So the amendment allows for the presumptive eligibility back tapping, so that didn't take that away. It allows for in those circumstances.
Correct.
Just so you're aware, both bills. So we're not taking that away if it takes 30 days or if it's beyond 30 days with the JFS, just to clarify that. But the other thing I wondered is, why did you not get paid? When you find out, you let me know.
No, seriously. We have not. We don't know. Okay, so I have several programs. I know that we do get paid in different lots of money. We got the block grant. We got Tenant Friends. We have, you know, different type of funding sources that spread out throughout the state of Ohio. So normally when we put in our billing, we go in billing at midnight. So as long as your billing is in on midnight on Saturday, you got to check for the following week. Depending on what bank you bank with, I bank with Bank of America. I've been with them for over nine years. I will always get my money on Friday. Kinder Connect, when we put in and we call submission, we submit our billing into Kinder Connect. like I said, Saturday by midnight. By Saturday morning, we have an amount that we'll see that is going to get paid. When DCY, I call, pull the trigger, they will say, okay, you are now issued payment. So when they're in the KinderConnect, that waiting goes to issued. The very next day we get paid, okay? So a reason of why we won't have a late delay of payment will be from a holiday. So any federal holiday, we know we're going to get paid a day behind. This time, I'm not for sure. Normally, DCY will put a message inside of Kinder Connect, and we don't see any messages in there stating why. What they tell us is, oh, you have 10 days. You give us a call back on Wednesday, and we'll do some troubleshooting. Well, today is Tuesday. Mine is still waiting so Wednesday hopefully it be issued on Wednesday but if it waiting on Wednesday then I still haven even paid my staff You feel me OK All right Thank you very much Right Bailey
Thank you. I'm reformulating because both questions kind of act mine. But thank you. Thank you through the chair. Thank you for your testimony today. So one thing that I think I want to kind of go back through is, you know, I know that pictures and things have been removed from the bill, and we've talked about some of the amendments that have been made. So I kind of like just hearing this from most folks, right? Although we know that fraud has not necessarily been as widespread as some of the disinformation that we've heard, But in your professional opinion, if this bill was to do something that was actually effective, that would not have these negative implications to you all as child care providers and owners and also to parents, is there something where it could be of value to your work to prevent this level of fraud?
putting back enrollment over attendance. I mean, that's just what it is. I know we're running from it like it's Frederick Kruger on Elm Street, but that is the solution. If we had enrollment over attendance, we would be a little bit stable. That's just first and foremost, because that child, my private pay parents, they pay for that slot. They go on break, they go on vacation, the baby is sick, I still want $250 for that slot. We don't treat the PFCC parents that way, and it's not fair because my private pay parents have to pay. You see what I'm saying? So unfortunately, when it was time for us to stabilize the economy, we didn't. And so this is the backlash of not doing that because now the funding is drawing up. Thank you.
I'll just conclude with this question then. Okay. So my understanding, which might be incorrect, but if we're paying on enrollment, that means no matter whether you're there or not, you will be paid. Whether the child's there or not, you will be paid. So how does switching to a system that has no attendance help reduce fraud rather than creating more opportunity for fraud if it's pay on enrollment and there's not the attendance requirements? Could you help me figure that out?
I can. So you've got to think. If you're paying on enrollment, it's a set amount that's being paid, regardless if they're there or not. Like you said, the only way that we'll know, well, I'm a Kentucky provider as well, okay? Kentucky been doing this since December of 2020. And you know how we do it? We don't have a sign-in sheet. We don't have any of that. If they need the proof, you know, they just trust their providers, you know. They trust us. and maybe we need to gain that, but I'm not for sure, but I'm going to show you. So I have 10 children. Like I said, my child comes. I have an 8-year-old myself, you know, so if I pay for my 8-year-old in any summer camp, I pay the Y, their full amount. You understand that because I don't get PFCC. So it's like it's fairness for others and it's stability. It builds the workforce. It's guaranteed that when I provide this care, because guess what? Let me tell you how we're getting cut out. So when the hours change from 25 to 33, now we have what is called part checks A part check that means my part check was less I an LLC That money comes to me after I pay my staff I didn't talk to my staff and say, okay, you're 15, you're 25, you're 20. They're not paying us. We have these hours. I have to reduce your pay now. No, I still have to grind as a business. So I'm standing up here not only as a business owner, as a parent, but also someone who income is affected tremendously from these changes.
Thank you very much for your testimony today. Thank you, Al.
All right. We next have Therese Thompson, did I pronounce that correctly, with the CEO project as well.
Good afternoon, everyone. Thank you for taking my testimony. Chair White, Vice Chair Salvo, Ranking Member Lett, and members of the Ohio House Children and Human Services Committee. Thank you for the opportunity to provide opponent testimony on behalf of the CEO Project, which represents over 300 small business childcare providers in Ohio. My name is Teres Thompson, and I am a childcare provider with more than 30 years of experience in the childhood education in Franklin County. I'm also one of your smallest programs because I am a type B. I would like to start by thanking representatives Williams for his willingness to meet with providers and to hear our concerns. We were pleased to see the changes in language regarding the live camera feeds and eliminating the immediate suspension of funding during an investigation. These were thought for amendments and they did not go unnoticed. Our biggest remaining concern is with the facial recognition of children. I have provided you today with a signed letter from 772 parents and family members. That letter also incorporates a map of where those signatures are at, which covers 91 of the 99 districts in Ohio. Every parent I have spoken to about this is frankly outraged at the idea. My hope is that by streamlining the investigatory and prosecution process for referring when these possible fraud situations do get flagged, that they will naturally clean this up. Because of this, this was because if this was the law, but the department was not referring things out, then that is not a broken law so much as it's a broken process. If existing law being enforced would take care of fraudsters, then I ask that we give it a chance before we add in language and spend money to create a system of facial recognition for children. House Bill 649, the sub bill, has a reporting aspect, so you could always come back as a legislator and make additional changes if you feel it's not working to better deter and address situations of fraud. You could also increase penalties for those who commit the fraud. I would like to detail some issues that remain in the event that this committee would entertain additional changes. First, while we have no issue with the portion of the bill allowing for the inspector general to conduct the investigation, we do point out that giving jurisdiction to the attorney general carries with it a disconnect to local control. We believe that the process in place is effective and prefer to keep local control in the hands of the local prosecutor. Second, we are concerned with the due process, an accusation of fraud could come with a disgruntled employee, a parent, or random person in the community. Sorry about that. In order to safeguard against this, we would like to see peer review language be included in this bill so that our businesses can have appropriate levels of due process in any case that will result in our businesses losing their step up to quality rating or that would result in their closure. As part of the last state operating budget process, the Ohio House agreed on peer review language and we would like to see that language inserted into this bill. If we are going to take the time to address something in the childcare industry, we believe it would benefit everyone if we added in comprehensive elements that help business owners in the industry invest with confidence at a time when families in Ohio need more options. Again, this bill has been improved upon and we are hopeful that these changes will be part of any additional amendment considerations. I thank the committee members for your time and would be happy to answer any questions.
All right. Are there any questions for this witness? Seeing none, we thank you for coming in and for your patience today waiting for this. Thank you. All right, next we will have Karen Lampe again with the Ohio Association of Child Care Providers as an interested party. The first testimonies were opponent. Yes.
Thank you, Chairman White, Vice Chair Salvo, Ranking Member Lett, and members of the committee. Again, I'm Karen Lampe, owner and operator of CWCC Inc. out of the Miami Valleys of Ohio, and representing today the Ohio Association of Child Care Providers. We appreciate the sponsor, Representative Williams, for improvements that he's made to the amended version of the bill, particularly the flexibility added around the use of absent days to include calamity days. However, there are several remaining provisions that raise significant concerns. Privacy concerns regarding mandatory image collection. The amendment requires that providers collect data points of children. In practice, these are images, they're pictures of children. Of each child upon entry and exit each day. While the language differentiates data points from photos, families will not perceive a meaningful difference. An image of a child is still an image collected and stored by the state. This is particularly concerning for children in foster care, kinship arrangements, domestic violence situations, or custody disputes, children for whom protecting the identity and location is essential for safety. There are practical and operational challenges. This bill has language that is incredibly complex, overly complicated, and administratively difficult. Young children do not reliably sit still to face a camera, which will result in blurry or unusable images. The tap tablets, as I mentioned before, are often bolted or mounted at entrances, requiring parents to lift children into position for photos. Capturing that is going to add time and create bottlenecks during busy transitions that are stressful periods already for families for young children and for providers This could increase safety risk during those crowded drop-off and pick-up times. And the current system of parent photo identification at that time of care is already sufficient in doing the job that we need done in Ohio. There is also restrictive and burdensome changes to the backtap system, again, being overly complicated and complex. This amendment would eliminate the process except for under limited DCY approval circumstances, such as outages or national disasters. But as written, providers would not be reimbursed if apparently simply misses a backtap. This means that a provider payment could be denied for provider care that was actually given to the child. This is an unintentional financial risk in an already very fragile system. The sub-bill as written gives broad departmental authority without a lot of clear guidance. and we respectfully urge the committee to reconsider or revise the amendments to remove the language requiring any image, photo identification, data point collection of a child. Preserve the workable, clearly defined back tap process that recognizes real world provider and family needs. 30 days is necessary in order to do that. That's the reality of being a working parent of young children. There's just logistical challenges that have to be met, and we want to make sure that providers are paid for services that they've provided. Please limit the administrative burdens that do not improve child safety and protect the privacy and security of Ohio's children and families. Ohio's early childhood system must be both accountable and practical. We look forward to working with policymakers to ensure that House Bill 649 supports safety, stability, sustainability for the children and families that we serve. Thank you. I'm available for any questions you may have.
Thank you, Ms. Lampe.
Vice Chair Salvo. Thank you, Chair, and thank you again for your testimony. Thank you. When you earlier described the process, you said that ratio is like one tablet to 50?
Correct.
Is that not something that we could explore? Because it sounds like the tapping is the problem, but when you're describing that scenario, it makes you go, of course there's a line every morning when this is happening. Is that something that was proposed in rulemaking? Is that a potential to change?
Chairman White, Representative Salvo, I think the challenge also becomes our physical space. I don't have room in my entrance for more tap stations. There's not room for people to be able to walk in and out of an entrance of our building, especially if you're creating that kind of stacking of a problem. So while, yes, you could put up more tablets, I don't know where you're going to put them in some of my buildings. There's just not the space.
Follow-up? Yeah. Are there any other questions for this witness?
Seeing none, we appreciate you coming in. Thank you. Thanks for your patience. All right, and next we will have Leslie Doria with the Y again. Thank you.
Chair White Vice Chair Salvo Ranking Member Lett and members of the committee thank you again for the opportunity to testify on House Bill 649 Again I Leslie Doria and I the Vice President of Child Care for the YMCA of Greater Toledo and I am here on behalf of the Ohio Alliance of YMCAs The Ohio Ys are grateful to the bill's sponsors and this committee for amendments that already have been made to improve House Bill 649, including allowing more flexibility for absence days. However, we would like to share new concerns regarding the bill's requirement to use data point identification and back TAPs. These changes, while intended to create accountability and transparency, would cause serious unintended harm. First, amended House Bill 649 requires children to be identified in the TAPs system instead of the parents. For purposes of recording and verifying child care center attendance, the amended bill requires child care centers to use DCY-provided tablets to record data point identification of each child in publicly funded care at the time of care. The bill also requires these data points to be updated every six months. First, while the bill no longer captures pictures or videos, it does require data points of children's faces to be captured and be available to DCY. Facial data point capture is very similar to photo collection, and thus the collection and sharing of these data point images still raises serious privacy concerns. concerns. Parents often do not want their children captured in pictures and will struggle to understand the difference between a photo and a facial data point. Capturing any images of their children, whether using data points or photos, will cause families great unease and may deter them from seeking care for their children. Second, there are practical concerns, as some of my other fellow Although colleagues have said in implementing these requirements, often young children do not hold still to have their picture taken, and the same would apply for facial data point collection. If the child is moving or not facing the camera, the data points could not be used to verify attendance as intended. Third, requiring families to update data points of their children every six months is burdensome to those families, and the Ys already struggle to get families to complete paperwork and taps in and out each day. Asking those same families to ensure their children's facial data points are updated with DCY every six months is just not feasible. Children would end up with outdated facial data point information, thus preventing their attendance to be verified. The current system of parent photo identification at the time of care is sufficient to prove a child's attendance. Second, the bill's new provisions severely restrict the ability for YMCAs to use back taps and would prevent many families from receiving care. In the previous substitute bill for House Bill 649, the bill proposed allowing back taps when DCY approved them. We raised a question in our last testimony about whether that language meant the department would have to approve using back taps in each instance or could adopt a general rule. In the amended version of House Bill 649, the bill would require DCY to approve each instance and only when the approval is necessary to accommodate a system outage or a natural disaster. Thus, backtaps would not be allowed at all without extenuating circumstances, and approval would be required in each instance. In those extenuating circumstances only if DCY approves a Y could backtap and use the day window laid out in the bill This provision would completely disallow back tapping simply because a family missed a tap. Thus Ys would never be reimbursed for care provided to a family that made maybe one mistake. YMCAs would be forced to discontinue care for a family if that family missed any single tap. This change to the bill would prevent thousands of families and children from receiving childcare. In conclusion, Ohio's childcare system depends on stability, clarity, and fairness. We respectfully urge the committee to reconsider or revise the amendment to remove language around facial data points for children and remove all language disallowing back taps only in extenuating circumstance and with DCY approval for each back tap. Thank you for your time, and I'm happy to answer any questions that you may have.
Thank you for your testimony on both bills.
Ranking Member Lett, you had a question? Thank you, Chairwoman. Thank you so much for your testimony. I am a learner observer, so it takes me a second to think through my questions. But one of the things that I've really struggled with with both of these bills is the whole TAP system to begin with. We have students going to our public universities that are receiving scholarships that are public money. They show up for class or they don't, regardless the university or college gets paid. So I struggle to see how the workforce that supports our workforce should have to live under this burden to begin with when there's no other place in society where we can see this paying out. So that is my problem, one, with the entire system in and of itself. But secondly, I am deeply concerned that making the TAP system even more burdensome will actually decrease child care capacity. You mentioned in earlier testimony that you already have a full-time individual dedicated to verifying with parents and correcting any of these errors. You don't increase capacity with this. there's a possibility that you would actually decrease and then have to hire an additional individual. So I guess my overall question is, do you believe that that decrease is imminent? Do you think that this bill and potentially 647 as well would actually decrease our childcare capacity? And are you worried about that for the why? Thank you.
Through Rep. White, thank you for trying to understand this very complex system and something that we live with every single day.
So I do worry that we will see fewer and fewer providers that will serve publicly funded children. You know, for my locations of our 22 sites, we're about 60% private pay and 40% publicly funded. So, you know, if the continued burdensome, you know, if we continue to have more and more burden in this system, we may have to consider certain programs not serving publicly funded students just because of the sheer fact of the amount of work that would be put into that, or we would have to really create policies for our families that would almost deter them from even enrolling with us, which we've already done. We've already done that. We've already implemented new policies around public funds at all of my facilities, around attendance requirements, around apps. day usage. You know, I'm at a point here where some of our families are already running out of absence days due to this lovely winter we had. And, you know, I'm at a point where we're going to have to start charging families. That's nothing we've ever done before. You know, so I do worry that those families who need us the most are now going to maybe have to carry that weight of that. And are they even going to be able to afford something like that? So yes, I do worry that there will be fewer and fewer providers that serve publicly funded students. Thank you. No follow-up.
Are there any other questions for this witness? I did have one question. So, again, prior to COVID, our state had 10 absent days every six months. Right now we have one of the most generous absentee policies in the country at 20 days every six months is my understanding. But if anyone has data to dispute that, which I see some heads in the back, I am interested in seeing that. I guess my question is, what did you do before COVID when you had 10 days? What was the practical realities of that?
Sure. Thank you. And Representative White, I think we were living in a little bit different time. You know, our requirements currently in the new full-time, part-time, hourly categories has greatly changed. And as a YMCA, we serve a large group of school-agers in our programs. So prior to this change, seven hours got us to a part-time week. Now at 10 hours, that is challenging for a school-ager. They would almost have to come every day before school and after school. And even if they came one morning, we wouldn't be able to use an absence day in the afternoon either. So we are somewhat using more absence days for families that are not attending to try to get to that 10-hour mark. So that is part of it. We weren facing that pre It was a different category 25 hours to be full full was different especially in our early childhood you know programs Getting somebody to 33 hours a week that pretty much a family has to be there every day for, you know, their full eight hours. They really can't miss a day. So that is one thing that we're still struggling with and has created a little bit more burden and why we had to implement stricter policies. Thank you for the clarification. And so
I guess I would ask, so part-time, my understanding, is 75% of the full-time rate. So in the past, you were getting paid 75% of a full-time rate for seven hours a week. Is that my understanding?
Chair, I don't believe that that was the rate that we were receiving at that timeline. School age was lower. or that in referring to school-age care.
Okay, so school-age care, and if somebody has information, feel free to share it at the podium. But if in fact, right now, forget the past, before the operating budget was passed, last January, if a child was there seven hours a day, my understanding was that the part-time rate is 75% of the full-time rate. That's my understanding for part-time care, not after school and before school. So maybe there's a different percentage rate for those. If you could help elaborate. Thanks.
Thank you, Chairman White. Again, Karen Lampe. So the school age rates are set up a little bit differently than what our infant through preschool are. I'd have to go back to look at the actual percentage to see if it's 75%. But it based upon what we charge our private pay parents which for private pay regardless of how many hours they come they pay the full amount In my case for the entire month regardless of their attendance they pay the full amount for the month For publicly funded, we have to patch together this patchwork of how many hours did they come, how many absent days do they have, can we use an absent day, does the absent day get us to the number of hours that we need? But regardless in any of that, the cost for our insurance, the cost for our electricity, the cost for gas, the cost for your equipment for your food, for your teachers, doesn't change. So what has changed is that the state used to pay us our rate based upon the child attending 25 hours, and then we swung the pendulum all the way to the extreme to 33 hours. it's too far. I understand if the state needs to make tweaks to things, we are swinging the pendulum too far. And that's the difference between where we were pre-COVID and where we are today. We've swung the pendulum too far. Okay. Thank you for clarifying. And I will get
verification from DCY, but my understanding is part-time rates are kicking at, you know, seven hours was the, so we'll go ahead and clarify that just to make sure since you said you're not 100% sure. But tell me about the other states. You were saying we have, I said we had a more generous policy than other states in absentee days. Can you clarify what information you know?
So, Chairman White, I will have to get back to you with exact details. But while we do have what seems like a large number of absent days, structurally, how we create our system together does not make it necessarily to where it is more beneficial than what other states are. And so it really about the patchwork system that we create in Ohio that makes it difficult So we get back to you with that exact data though Yep thanks very much And I get additional information for the committee regarding enrollment versus attendance of other states I know some other states have started restricting eligibility because of the finances related to that, but we need facts in front of us as we consider this.
So thank you all very much for coming in. And again, I want to apologize for the delay and thank you for your patience today that we were able to get through all of this before we take a break until after the primary. I did want to point out a couple things. I did request for DCY to provide us with information on exactly what does the KinderConnect system utilize if we were to upgrade through their system regarding is a photo actually needed If you're doing a data points as 649 has been amended to include or not, as of the upgrade they were looking at, it would still require a photo is the understanding, but I will submit that information to the committee. The other piece of that is, there was one other thing I was gonna mention regarding this. the ability of AI if it's just data points, because one of the questions committee members had is, if it was hacked, could AI use the data points to create a photo of the child's face? And the answer from the vendor was yes. So again, this is the particular vendor they're using, but some of those questions came up, so I will provide that information. Are there any others that wish to testify on either bill today? And I will again point out the written testimony of Ms. Favre as well as Dr. Moses. And I thank you all for your patience. And with that, we will adjourn.